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"CHEN-Vo眞可(T.達觀，H.紫柏)，July 2, 1544-January 18, 1604, Buddhist monk and poet, was a native of Wu-chiang 吳江, south of Soochow, where he was born into the Shen 沈 family. It is said that even at the age of four Chemk'o could not speak. One day a strange monk came to the Shen family, laid his hand upon the child's head, and told the father that the boy would become a teacher of both mundane and heavenly things if he would enter the monastery. Then the monk disappeared, and Chen-k'o began to speak. During his boyhood he showed an unusual strength of will and character; he did not enjoy playing with other children and when he grew older he took a dislike to the sight of women. He never allowed a female to enter the bath before him and when one day his elder sister inadvertently came there, he made such a scene that afterwards no female member of the house dared to come near him at this time.<break>At the age of sixteen (1560) he took his sword, left the house, and wandered north to the Great Wall. On his way back<break>he was stopped by rain at Soochow, where he met a monk, Ming-chiieh 明覺，who gave him shelter at Hu-ch'iu (Tiger Hill), ssu 虎丘寺.During the night he listened to Ming-chiieh reciting the 88 names of the Buddha; this impressed him so much that the next morning he asked to have his head shaven and be admitted as the latter's disciple. After some time Chen-k'o locked himself up in his cell, studied for six months, and was at last formally ordained at the age of nineteen (1563). The next few years he spent traveling from monastery to monastery and studying the doctrine with famous monks. He forced himself to walk until his calloused feet could take him sixty miles a day. He spent some time on Mt. Lu 廬山(Kiangsi) where he tried to explore the hidden meaning of the dharmalaksana (fa-hsiang 法相).When he went to Peking, his teacher was for a while the monk Pien-yung 徧融.Chen-k'o wanted above all, however, to become acquainted with Te-ch'ing (q. v.), who, he thought, would be able to resolve all his doubts and scruples. After a visit to Mt. Wu-t'ai he returned to the Soochow region, having been away eight years. There he succeeded in establishing friendly relations with the influential official Lu Kuang-tsu (see Lu Nan), a devout Buddhist, whose protection became important for Chen-k'o's further activities. The Lu family helped him with financial contributions to restore the Leng-yen 楞嚴 ssu in Chia-hsing 嘉興， Chekiang, which had been appropriated by a rich family of the neighborhood and converted into a private garden. When the building was finished, Chen-k'o wrote a parallel verse with his own blood. These religious eccentricities and his successful missionary work among the gentry of the region earned him a more than local reputation, and pupils began to gather. One of these, whose religious name was Tao-k'ai 道開，became his faithful assistant for many years. Tao-k'ai was also his companion on his next journey to north China in 1586. This time Chen-k'o succeed-<break>[141]<break>CHENMo<break>ed in meeting Te-ch'ing, who in the meantime had become a favorite of the empress dowager Li-shih (q. v.), a fervent patron of Buddhism. Chen-Vo met Te ch'・ ing in the latter's hermitage on Lao 勞 shan in Shantung. It was the seventh month of the year and the autumn floods made travel difficult but Chen-k^ overcame all hardships bravely, and the two renowned Buddhists were able to spend ten days together and establish a spiritual friendship. Te-ch'ing also was to become eventually his slightly older friend's biographer. It seems too that Te・ch'ing was instrumental in introducing Chen-k'o to the court in Peking, although the chronology of Chen・k'o's extended travels cannot be established beyond doubt because of the scarcity of dates in the sources.<break>After his meeting with Te-ch*ing in 1586, Chen-k'o seems to have visited famous Buddhist centers throughout the whole empire. His itinerary included Mt. O-mei in Szechwan, the Ch'U-t'ang Gorge 瞿唐峽 in the same province, Wu-tang 武 當 shan in Hukuang, and again Lu shan in Kiangsi. It may have been about 1586 that Chen-k'o also spent some time on Shih-ching 石經 Mountain in Fang 房~ shan-hsien near Peking. During his visit he noticed that the early T'ang monk, Ching-wan (d. 639), had deposited a relic of the Buddha in one of the caves; he then organized the transfer of the relic to the imperial palace for three days. For this the empress dowager presented him with a purple cassock. Ching-wan had also engraved the text of sutras on stone, which gave Chen-k'o the idea of a similar enterprise in order to achieve religious merit. He decided to start the printing of a new version of the Buddhist canon, that is, the early Ming version augmented by forty-one additional texts. This too was promoted by the empress dowager. It was Chen-k'o's original idea, however, to have this version printed not in the traditional pothi format but in square volumes (fang・ts'e 方册)like ordinary Chinese books. The carving of the<break>printing blocks was started on Wu-fai shan in 1589, supervised in part by Chen-k'o himself. After 1592 the work was continued in the Ching 徑 shan monastery west of Hangchow, which remained a center for many years to come. In the Soochow-Hangchow region too blocks were carved. All of them were transported, however, to the Leng-yen monastery in Chia-hsing for printing. The whole enterprise was not finished until long after Chen-k'o's death. [Editors5 note: The Buddhist texts from this edition, stored in the National Central Library in Taipei, constitute apparently the largest surviving collection known.]<break>After Chen-k'o had resided for a while on Mt. Wu-fai he went south again, took up his former residence on Lu shan and also traveled extensively in the Yangtze region. In 1591 (1592, according to one source) we find him again in the capital. In 1592 he met Te-ch'ing for the second time; they spent forty days together on Shih-ching shan where they agreed to compile a continuation of the history of Ch'an Buddhism, Ch'uan-teng lu 傳燈錄，bringing it down to their own time. They also planned to make a pilgrimage to Ts'aoch'i 曹溪，Kwangtung, where Hui-neng (638-713), the famous Sixth Patriarch of the Ch'an schQol, had lived. This trip had to be made by Chen-k'o alone, however, because Te・ch'ing had in the meantime been thrown into jail and later banished to Lei-chou, Kwangtung. Chen-k'o did, however, manage to meet him when be was on his way to his place of banishment. The two monks had a brief encounter in Nanking in November of 1595. Chen・k'o also recited the Lotus Sutra in order to obtain supernatural protection for Te・ch'ing, who was facing an uncertain fate. But whereas Te-ch'ing's banishment was for five years only, Chen-k'o himself a few years later became entangled in the web of court politics, and died as a victim of the judiciary system of his time.<break>The story is quite involved. In 1601 Chen-k'o decided to go to Peking for, if<break>CHEN-k'o<break>[142]<break>we are to believe his biographer Te・ch'ing, purely humanitarian reasons. He is said to have stated his purpose in the foilowing way: “If Te-ch'ing does not return, I shall have greatly failed in religion; if the mining taxes are not canceled, I shall have greatly failed in helping the world; and if the CWuan-teng lu is not continued, I shall have greatly failed in my personal endeavors.” This would show that his plan to go to Peking was occasioned by Te-ch'ing's exile and that he wanted to use his influence in court circles, especially with the empress dowager, to obtain his release. Chen-k'o's protest against the mining taxes goes back to the widespread discontent that had followed the introduction (ca. 1600) of new mining taxes, when the notoriously extravagant emperor needed additional money for his building enterprises. The palace eunuchs were largely in charge of this new taxation and exercised pressure on the local bureaucracy (see Wang Ying-chiao). Chen-k'o seems to have become active in this case on behalf of the prefect of Nan・k'ang 南康 (Kiangsi), Wu Pao-hsiu 吳寶秀(T.派彥, cs 1589), a native of P'ing-yang 平陽 (Chekiang), and probably an earlier acquaintance of his. Wu Pao-hsiu was imprisoned and his wife, nee Ch'en 陳， committed suicide when she was forbidden to accompany her husband. Wu was later released, possibly through Chen-k'o's intervention.<break>All this, though leading to hostility in the circle of eunuchs, was not necessarily fatal. What brought about Chen-k'o's ruin was the weird pamphlet case (see Lii K'un and Kuo Cheng-yii). When the emperor, Chu I-chiin (q・ v.), learned about the pamphlet, he flew into a rage and ordered a thorough investigation. A wave of arrests and raids followed, and Chen-k'o, who had been in and out of many of the suspected officials* houses, was detained as a potential accomplice. One source relates that the reason for his arrest, however, was not connected directly with the pamphlet case. During the investigation the house<break>of the physician, Shen Ling-yii 沈令譽，was raided. (He was also a native of Wu-chiang and perhaps a clansman of Chen-k,o.) In Shen's house the police found letters written by several individuals implicated in the case and also a letter from Chen-k'o in which a passage read:“The empress dowager had wanted to build a monastery but the emperor would not assist her. How can this be called filial piety?"" The discovery of this letter may after all have been the actual reason for his arrest. The emperor was angry, but it does not seem that he wished Chen-k'o executed, particularly because Chen-k'o had on an earlier-occasion gratified the emperor by writing a complimentary poem on the ruler's Buddhist activities. Chen-k'o, however, was thrown into prison and received thirty blows with the bamboo cane, a torture which the monk, then in his sixtieth year, did not survive. His remains were taken away and buried temporarily. The final funeral, to which some high-ranking officials donated money, took place several years after his death; his body was cremated in December, 1616.<break>Te-ch'ing collected the essays and poetry by Chen-k'o and printed them together with his necrology under the title of Tzu-po ts""""-Me c〃子a""-c友紫柏尊者全集， 30 ch. Ch'ien Ch'ien・i (ECCP), a leading lay Buddhist who had never met Chen-k'o but revered him, compiled a pieh-chi^^, 4 c〃.，and a fu-lu 附錄，1 M・ Some of Chen-k'o's religious conversations (yu-lu 語錄)were also edited separately under the title of Ch'ang sung ju-fui 長松茹退,〉2 ch. (a work listed by the Ssu-k'u editors, but not copied into the Imperial Library), and incorporated into the continuation of Pao-yen-fang pi-chi 寶顏堂祕笈.The Zoku Zdkyd 續藏經 contains several works by Chen-kl, all of them shorter treatises on the exegesis of Pan-jo hsin-ching 般若心經 (the Heart Sutra), taken from chiian 6 of his collected works. Volume 39 of the same collection has an equally short treatise on Chin-kang ching 金剛經(Dia-mond Sutra) and Volume 98, an explana-<break>[143]<break>CHEN・k'o<break>tion of the pa-shih 八識(Eight Modes of Perception).<break>Chen-k'o must be regarded as one of the spiritual leaders in late Ming Buddhism. In contrast to the more pietistic attitudes of Chu-hung (q. v. ) and his insistence on enlightenment by meditation, he stressed the way of salvation through intellectual reasoning. At the same time he was a paragon of the syncretism fashionable in his day, in that he tried to combine a neo-Confucianism tainted by the ideas of Wang Shou-jen (q. v.) with Buddhistic scholastic philosophy. It is not easy to pin him down to any of the established schools of Buddhist thought. He is sometimes described as trying to combine Pure Land doctrine with Ch'an Buddhism; in the eyes of Te ch'ing, he was a follower of the Lin-chi 臨濟 school of Ch'an and going back to the teachings of I-hsing (683-727). Chen-k'o was also a student of the Book of Changes and one of his pupils Kuan Chih-tao (see Ku Hsien-ch'eng), even tried to achieve a synthesis of that Classic with the Avatarnsaka-sutra. On the other hand Chen-k'o may be regarded as a follower of the Invocation of Buddha school (nien-Fo 念佛)，at least during his earlier years. One thing, however, is certain: he must have impressed his contemporaries with his personality. All sources, whether those influenced by Buddhist hagiography or “secular” ones, agree that he was highly respected among the literati and the officials, among them Tung Ch'i-ch'ang (ECCP) and Li Chih (q.v.)・ One of his closer friends was the poet, T'ang Hsien-tsu (ECCP), whom, it seems, he converted to Buddhism. TEng gives him the epithet hsiung 雄 (heroic), and after his death wrote three poems to commemorate him. The two met several times, first in 1590 in Nanking and again in 1598 in Lin-ch'uan 臨川(Kiangsi), T'ang's native place. In the beginning of the next year they traveled together to Nanchang by boat, a voyage documented by several poems.<break>Chen-k'o is described as a man of<break>stern appearance, with bushy eyebrows and a royal bearing. He was uncompromising in all matters concerning monastic discipline and once even said: “A monk who eats meat and drinks wine ought to be killed.” And when he learned that his first teacher, Ming-chiieh, had left the clergy and become a physician with a flourishing practice, he feigned illness and surprised him with a visit. It is said that Chen-k'o was able to persuade Ming-chiieh to resume monastic life. Another feature of his personality was a marked asceticism. For many years he never stretched out on a mat but spent the night sleeping seated in an upright position. He used to meditate in the open air regardless of wind and frost. In prison and under torture he was able to keep his serenity and even preached to his co-prisoner Ts'ao Hsiieh-ch'eng (see Ch'en Chii) who was a victim too of court intrigue but, unlike Chen-k'o, was later released. There are a number of stories on Chen-k'o's ability to foretell future events, and after his death he appeared to several of his former acquaintances in their dreams. All this points to the impression he made on his contemporaries, which was strengthened by the fact that he could, in a way, be regarded as a martyr.
CHI Ching計成(T.無否，H.否道人)，fl. early 17th century, painter and garden architect, was a native of Wu-chiang 吳江 in the prefecture of Soochow. In his early years he was a landscape painter, follow-ing the style of two masters of the latter half of the 10th century, Kuan Ting 關仝 (同，oi•童，or 幢)and Ching Hao 荆浩(T・ 着然，H.洪谷子).After sojourns in Peking and Hukuang, he settled in Chinkiang, northeast of Nanking. It was at this junc-<break>CH" Ch^ng-han<break>[216]<break>ture that he first became fascinated with rock gardens, and began to direct his attention to garden architecture. As his knowledge developed and his fame spread, he was invited to draw plans for private gardens in estates on both sides of the Yangtze River. Following his success in these ventures, Chi made a compilation of his designs and patterns, and composed a text to which he gave the title Yuan-mu 園牧 (garden groom); later, at the suggestion of a friend, who noted that the work, including so many original ideas, should not be considered merely a collection of standard designs, he accepted a change of title to Yuan-yeh 冶(garden smith).<break>The Yuan-yeh in three chuan was first printed in 1635, bearing one preface by Juan Ta-ch?eng (ECCP) dated 1634, another by Cheng Yuan-hsiin 鄭元勳(T.超 宗，cs 1643) of 1635, and Chi's own introduction of 1631. Three centuries later, this work was reprinted twice, in 1931, in the Hsi-yung-hsuan ts'ung-shu 喜詠軒叢書, and in 1933 by the Society for Research in Chinese Architecture. After a short essay on architecture in general and another on gardens, Chi divided his material as follows: 1) locale, 2) foundations, 3) structures, 4) lattices for screens and balus-Irades, 5) doors and windows, 6) walls and zfences, 7) pavements, 8) artificial mounds (rockery), 9) selection of rock, and 10) •consideration of the view (use of environment). It contains over two hundred thirty engravings illustrating the construction of buildings, patterns of lattice work for screens and balustrades, doors and Windows, and ornamental styles of masonry for walls, fences, and pavements.<break>Chi Ch'eng laid special emphasis on the tenth of his categories. He differentiated between the distant views and the immediate setting, and took into consideration the contour and the size of the property, its natural environment, and the influence of the four seasons. In his essay on architecture he quote a Chinese proverb which notes that in construction work three-tenths<break>depends on the craftsman, but seven-tenths on the master (三分匠七分主人).He followed this up immediately by pointing out that the master here did not mean the owner, but the master builder—the architect. There is little recorded about Chi's life in the availablable sources, but it is fortunate that his unique work Yuan-yeh has been well preserved.
SHEN Ching 沈璟(T.伯英，聃和，H.寧 庵，詞隱)，March 8, 1553-January 30, 1610, dramatist, was a native of Wu-chiang 吳江， situated south of Soochow. He was born into a wealthy family which began to flourish in the time of his greatgrandfather, Shen Han 漢(T.宗海，H.水 西，1480-1547, cs 1521), who, as a supervising secretary, was cashiered in 1527 for opposing Kuei O (q.v.) in the case of Li Fu-ta (see Chang Fu-ching). One of his uncles, Shen Wei 位(T.道立，H.虹台, 1529-72, cs 1568), became a Hanlin bachelor. The prosperity of the Shen family reached its peak during Shen Ching's generation. He received the chin-shih in 1574; then his brother and three of his cousins successively achieved the same degree. Beyond this show of talent it is interesting to note that a collection of poems entitled Wu-chiang Shen-shih shih-lu 沈氏芦錄(prefaces of 1740 and 1867), contains the effusions of 91 members of the Shen family, including 21 women, who flourished from the 16th to the 18th centuries. It gives some hint as to the cultural and material background of the<break>Shen clan during this stretch of two hundred years. After graduating, Shen Ching was assigned to the ministry of War as an apprentice, and then was formally appointed secretary in its bureau of operations, retiring for personal and family reasons the following year. Recalled in 1579 as a secretary in the ministry of Rites, he was soon promoted to be vice director of a bureau. Two years later he received a transfer to the ministry of Personnel as vice director in the bureau of records (1581), then in the bureau of evaluations (1582), and finally in the bureau of honors (also 1582). In March, 1586, Shen Ching and Chiang Ying-lin (see Li-shih), a supervising secretary, each sent a memorial raising objections to the imperial order which elevated the rank of the imperial consort Cheng Kuei-fei (q.v.). For this both were punished, Shen being demoted to be an official in the messenger office.<break>In September, 1588, Shen Ching served as one of the eighteen assistant examiners in the provincial examination of Shun-fien (Peking), and shortly thereafter was promoted to assistant minister in the Court of Imperial Entertainments. In the following year, however, a secretary of the ministry of Rites, Kao Kuei 高桂(cs 1577), pointed out the defects in the papers of eight men who passed the previous provincial examination at the capital and suggested that they be reexamined. Kao also remarked that Wang Heng, who passed first on the list, happened to be the son of Grand Secretary Wang Hsi-chiieh (qq.v.) and so should also be reexamined to allay any suspicion of favoritism. The reexamination showed all nine to be qualified and Kao was punished by a fine, but mischief was done; it caused the ruin of several careers and contributed to the heightening of the factional strife of that time (see Wang Hsi-chiieh). Shen Ching, who was responsible for passing four of the candidates mentioned in Kao's memorial, one of whom was Li Hung 李 鴻 son-in-law of another grand secretary,<break>[1173]<break>SHEN Chou<break>Shen Shih-hsing (q.v.), was cleared of any wrongdoing. Later, finding his position in Peking untenable, he retired. He spent the rest of his life at home.<break>Shen and another dramatist, who lived in Wu-chiang, Ku Ta-tien 顧大典(T.道 行,H.衡寓，cs 1568), came at this time into close association. Both men retained singers and actors in their residences, and enjoyed themselves by writing plays and songs. It is said that Shen was so obsessed by his work on pieces for the stage that he left his sons5 education to his > younger brother, Shen Tsan 瓚(T.孝通， 子勺，H.定庵，1558-1612, cs 1586), author of Chin-shih 厶'〃九g-『s'a〃 近事叢殘，4 ch., printed in 1794.<break>Shen Ching wrote in all seventeen plays, known by the general title Shu-yii-fang shih-ch'i c碗〃g 屬玉堂十七種.Reportedly they were tried out first in his own theater. Recently the Ku-pen Asi-c力'必 ts'ung-k'an 古本戲曲叢刊 published, in its volumes 1 and 3, seven of them, namely the Mai chien chi 埋劍記，Shuang yii 雙魚 chi, I-hsia 義俠 c恥，T'ao-fu 桃符 chi, I-chuns ch'ing —種情，Po hsiao 博券 chi9 and Hung-ch'ii 紅柔 chi. It is said also that he rewrote the Huan-hun 還魂 chi (otherwise known as Mu-tan fing by T'ang Hsien-tsu [ECCP]), to make it suitable for singing in the Wu dialect. Shen's san-ch'ii散曲(songs) may be found scattered through the T'ai-hsia hsin-tsou 太霞新奏，Wu-sao ho-pien吳騷合編，TV山-pi ch'ing-tz'u 彩筆情詞,and Nan-tz'u hsin-p'u 南詞新譜.The Nan kung shih-san-tiao ch'ii-p'u 輔宮十三調曲譜，21 ch., was originally written by Chiang Hsiao 蔣孝(T. 維忠，cs 1544). Shen revised and greatly .supplemented it. The present form of the work was again edited by his nephew, Shen Tzu-chin目晉(T.伯明，H.西來，鞠 通生，1583-1665), and published under the title Nan-tHu hsin-p'u, which became one of the basic sources in the field of southern ch'ii.
WANG Ch,ng 王寵(T.履仁，履吉，H. 雅宜山人)，1494-1533, poet and calligrapher, was a native of Wu 吳・hsien (Soochow). His father, born in Wu-chiang 吳 江，south of Soochow, was originally sur-named Chang 章 but was adopted by the Wang family of Soochow. In his youth Wang Ch'ung studied under Ts'ai Yii (see Lu Chih). Wen Cheng-ming, T'ang Yin (qq.v.), and other literati of the locality regarded Wang Ch'ung highly as a promis-ing young poet. After Wang became a hsiu-ts'ai, Hu Tsuan-tsung (see Chiao Fang), then prefect of Soochow, recommended him for study at the National University. He took part in the provincial examination eight times without success, despite his extensive knowledge and wide acquain-<break>[1369]<break>WANG Ch^ng-ku<break>tance with the Classics. In the end he gave himself up to reading, writing, and visiting famous mountains and lakes. According to the tombstone inscription written by Wen Cheng-ming, Wang Ch'ung was a tall, handsome man, loving tranquillity and repose, never speaking a vulgar word, and never flaunting his literary talent. He made a name for himself even though he passed away at an early age.<break>His elder brother, Wang Shou 守(T. 履約,cs 1526), rose to be governor of Yiin-yang 鄙陽 (1543-44). The daughter of T'ang Yin married one of Wang Ch'ung's sons.<break>In calligraphy Wang Ch'ung is sometimes ranked next to Wen Cheng-ming and Chu Yiin-ming (q.v.). Many commentators, including Ho Liang-chiin (q.v・)， considered that Wang Ch'ung飞 refined handwriting was a reflection of his unblemished character. He wrote more verse than prose. Ku Lin (see Yuan Chiung), a contemporary poet in Nanking, records that Wang Ch'ung set a high standard for poets. He seldom painted, but the few examples of his art that are known show a lofty style.<break>Wang's literary works were gathered together under the title Ya-i-shan-jen chi 雅宜山人集，I。c瓦，8 chuan of verse and 2 of prose. Published in the Chia-ching period this book was reproduced in 1968, and is also available on microfilm. Yii Hsien (see Feng Wei-min), who spent most of his days compiling an anthology of Ming poetry, entitled Sheng-Ming pai-chia shih 盛明百家詩，published one chilan of Wang Ch'ung's poems; the title is given as Wang Lu-chi chi 履吉集. This anthology, containing the output' of 160 poets and 17,600 of their poems, is known only in a Ming edition; it was copied in the 18th century, however, into the Ss〃-R'〃 cWuan-shu and so exists in manuscript as well.<break>[Editors* note： Ho Liang-chiin, after a visit to Wang Ch'ung, left the following vivid sketch of him： "At that time Ya-i (Wang's 〃a。)，though an invalid, always<break>stood up to talk to us. He did not like to speak in his dialect but always preferred the official speech. Our conversation concentrated on his recollections of great men of the past, which he related one after another like a string of pearls. Brilliantly eloquent speaking in a voice deep and musical, he gave an impression of dignity and intelligence.... a pity he died before forty. Today I can't see anyone of his stature." By official speech, kuan-hua 官話，Ho apparently meant the Peking dialect which most southerners, aspiring to high office in the imperial court, learned as a necessary accomplishment.<break>As Wang failed to pass the civil examination he was barred from officialdom and came to be known as a poet only. Yet, as Ch'ien Ch'ien-i (ECCP) cynically remarked, Wang Shou, who did rise to be a governor, is remembered merely as the brother of Wang Ching.]
WANG Hsi-shan王錫闡 (T.寅旭，昭冥, 肇敏，H.曉庵),July 23, 1628-October 18, 1682, Ming loyalist and astronomer, was a native of Wu-chiang 吳江， prefecture of Soochow. He was seventeen when the Manchu troops overran his district in 1645. It is not recorded whether he took any active part in the local military resistance to the invaders (see Yeh Shao-yiian), but, according to one biographer,<break>he made several attempts at suicide and only resumed his normal way of life on his parents* pleas. In his own account, he reports that in 1649 he closed his door to all worldly pursuits, which-included the taking of civil examinations under the alien regime. In an allegorical autobiography, 'Tien-t'ung-i-sheng chuan” 天同一 生傳，he describes himself as the subject of the emperor Hsiu 休(alluding to Ming from the common combination Hsiu-ming) and a student of the Odes, Changes, and Spring and Autumn Annals, while at the same time teaching himself mathematical astronomy and astrology； after the decline of the Hsiu regime he lived contentedly in obscurity and poverty, occasionally going out to the fields to look towards the south with sorrowful eyes, often being overcome with emotion. Apparently he was referring to the Ming troops then operating in the southwestern provinces (see Chu Yu-lang, ECCP). Thus he lived the life of a Ming loyalist awaiting in vain for the restoration.<break>He could hardly make ends meet, even by having a few pupils, particularly when his specialty was not a popular subject. In time, however, his scholarship won him acknowledgment among scholars, especially among like-minded loyalists to the Ming cause. About 1656 he was engaged by such a scholar, P'an Ch'eng-chang (ECCP), a historian who had assumed the task of writing a history of the Ming dynasty. Wang took charge of the compilation of the tables and probably also a treatise on astronomy. It was at P'an's home that Wang met Ku Yen-wu (ECCP). Meanwhile a wealthy Chuang family (see Chuang T'ing-lung, ECCP) invited a number of scholars to edit a Ming history which was published in 1660, with P'an listed as one of the editors. Three years later the Chuang work was adjudged seditious by the Manchu court and all writers and printers involved, some seventy persons including P'an, were condemned to death. It is recorded that Wang bravely paid a visit to the well-guarded<break>WANG Hsi-shan<break>[1380]<break>Hangchow prison disguised in the garb of a Buddhist monk, probably bearing messages to the loyalists inside.<break>In consequence of the Ming history case of 1663, most Chinese writers of that day were intimidated and became extremely cautious, but some reacted with a strengthened belief in the nationalistic cause. Thus Lii Liu-liang (ECCP) openly gave up his qualifications as an expectant to civil service under the Manchu regime and began to express in a subtle way his anti-Manchu ideas. Among Lil's friends at this time were Huang Tsung-hsi and Chang Li-hsiang (both in ECCP), who stayed at length in Lil's home to teach the Lii children. Later Wang also served as one of the instructors. In any case, he became strongly attracted to Chang as a teacher and to Lii as a Ming loyalist. In 1678 he wrote a letter to Ku Yen-wu recommending Lii highly as a worthy friend. In another letter (1680) Wang said that he expected a visit from Ku when they might discuss events of the last twenty years, and the nineteen reigns; this was his way of saying that the Ming dynasty did not end in 1644 with the sixteenth emperor, for there were three more reigns in south China until 1661. Meanwhile he repeatedly scolded P'an Lei (ECCP, half-brother of P'an Ch'eng-chang) for succumbing to the desire for fame and fortune by taking a special examination in 1679 to serve at the Manchu court. Wang wrote his letters to Ku and P'an in the ancient seal script, probably as a way to conceal such anti-Manchu sentiments. Similarly he and Ku both designated the years by the sexagenary stems and branches to avoid the use of Ch'ing reign names. In Ku's collected works there are poems, written in 1671 and 1680, addressed to Wang as kao-shih 高士，a high-minded scholar uncontami-nated by desire for power and wealth, in an essay on contemporary scholars Ku paid Wang the highest compliment, holding him superior to himself in the study of heaven and man and in firmness of<break>character(學究天人確乎不拔吾不如王寅旭)<break>Wang is described as slender and distinguished by his protruding teeth. He often complained of illness. Partially paralyzed in 1681, he died a year later. He had no son, so a former pupil took care of writing the inscription for the stone tablet buried in his tomb.<break>It seems that none of his writings was published during his lifetime. Shortly after he died most of his manuscripts were collected and preserved by P'an Lei who named the collection Hsiao-an i-shu 曉庵遺 書.According to P'arfs preface it included a collection of essays (printed in 1821 under the title Hsiao-an hsien-sheng wen-chi 文集，3 cA.), and seven works on calendrical calculations, namely： 1) Ta-fung^U hsi-li dfi-meng、大統麻西蘇啓蒙，a summary of Chinese and western methods; 2) Tin炉wei li~kao 丁未麻稿 (no longer extant), on the calendar for 1667 which Wang and P'an calculated together; 3) T'ui-pu chiao shuo 推步交朔，on predicting the particulars of the eclipse of August 24, 1681, calculated by Wang and his disciples, basing themselves on Chinese and western methods and on Wang's own method; 4) Ts'e-jih hsiao-chi 測日小記，recording the observations during the eclipse, which tallied most closely with Wang's method; 5) San-ch"en-kuei chih 三辰唇志、(no longer extant), on an instrument invented by Wang for the observation of the sun, moon, and stars; 6) Yuan-chieh 圜解，on trigonometry； and 7) Li-fa 麻法,6 ch., to which he appended twenty-four tables. The last item, embodying Wang's own system of calendrical calculations, was included in the Ssu-k'u library under the title Hsiao-an hsin-fa 新法，6 ch., without the tables. It was printed in 1838 in the Shou-shan-ko ts'ung-shu,守山閣叢書 which a year later included another of Wang飞 works, the Wu-hsing hsing-tu chieh 五星 行度解，on the motions of the five planets.<break>In about 1890 Li Sheng-to 李盛鐸(T. 木齋，1860-1937) printed the Hsiao-an i~shu in his Mu-hsi-hsuan 木犀軒 ts'ung-shu9<break>[1381]<break>WANG Hsi-shan<break>listing it under four main headings： “Li-fa” (P'an's no. 7), “Li-piao” 表(the 24 tables), “Ta-t'ung li-fa ch'i-meng”(P'an's no. 1 without the Hsi-li cWi-men^, probably no longer extant), and “Tsa-chu” 雜著，miscellany, including among other items P'an's nos. 3 and 4 and the Wu-hsing hsin^-tu chieh.<break>Wang's lifelong aim was the synthesis of traditional Chinese and newly introduced Western astronomical techniques to form a system of computing phenomena based, in contrast to traditional Chinese systems, on a geometrically defined conception of the cosmos. Unlike his contemporary, Hsiieh Feng-tso (ECCP, p. 571), another of his generation's best astronomers, Wang was self taught in European astronomy, chiefly through study of the Hsi-yang hsin-fa li-shu (see Li Tien-ching, ECCP), the collection of Jesuit treatises published by imperial order at the beginning of the Ch4ng. He probably did not have access to the entire collection, for in a letter (1673?) he asked P'an Lei to purchase for him in Peking several Jesuit works on the calendar including the Wu-wei piao 五緯表(one of the works by Giacomo Rho, q.v., printed in the Hsi-yang hsin-fa li-shu). In the same letter he also asked for a work by Ferdinand Verbiest (ECCP, p. 547), ref erred to here as Nan-shih hsin-hai cWi-cheng 南氏辛亥七政.His mastery of old and new and his exceptional rigor in making observations and measurements to verify his calculations led him to make a number of criticisms on the clarity, consistency, and accuracy of the Jesuit writings.<break>By the 1630s most if not all of the missionaries had abandoned the obsolete PtoL emaic cosmology for that of Tycho Brahe (1546-1601), who had embodied most of the conceptual advantages of Coper-nicanism in a theologically innocuous and mathematically advanced system which retained some currency in Catholic Europe until about 1680. Because the Jesuits could not be wholly candid about the constraints in which the injunction against Galileo (1564-1642) in 1616 had<break>bound them, the Chinese were puzzled by the unexplained mixture of systems and constants in their writings. Wang Hsi-shan, in consistently choosing the most advanced of the available ideas, disproves the assertion of some recent historians that the traditional perspectives of Chinese astronomy would have made its practitioners incapable of appreciating Copernican cosmology even if the Jesuits had been free to introduce the new system before the mid-eighteenth century.<break>Wang's Hsiao-an hsin-fa, completed in 1663, presents his complete system of ephemerides computation, centered, as was the Chinese practice, about eclipse prediction. It gives techniques for predicting planetary occultations and solar transits for the first time in China, since the missionaries had discussed this problem only in principle. Some of his methods were later integrated into the imperially sponsored Li-hsian^ k'ao-cWeng of 1723 (see Ho Kuo-tsung, ECCP), which also incorporated post-Newtonian European data. The Hsiao-an hsin-fa was also copied into the Imperial Library. The Ssn-k'u editors knew so little about the book and its author that they thought it written before 1644. In his Wu-hsing hsing-tu chieh, completed in 1673, he gives a clear geometric explication of his world-model, based on a critical adaptation of Tycho Brahe's scheme. Most remarkable is an attempt to account for the planets' anomalous motions (ie, the fact that their orbits are not quite centered upon the sun) in terms of an asymmetric attraction exerted by the outermost moving sphere of the universe. Although this attraciion is represented in terms of the ancient pneumatic ch'i 氣 concept, Wang explicitly likens the attraction of the “first moving sphere" Qprimum mqbile) for a planet to “the action of a lodestone upon needles.”/Wang thus holds a secure place in the prehistory of gravitation, and one can only agree with Hsi Tse-tsung 席澤宗：“We can imagine, if Wang Hsi-shan had only come upon [the writings of Copernicus and Kepler, which<break>WANG Ken<break>[1382]<break>the Jesuits in China had but did not disseminate] ,how much greater his contribution to astronomy would have been.”
YU An-ch’i 俞安期(early ming: Ts’e 策， T .公臨；changed ming to Hou 後，and T. to 羨長)，ca. 1551-ca. 1618，a native of Wu-chiang 吳江，prefecture of Soochow, was a poet and encyclopedist of note. According to Shen Tsan {see Shen Ching), Yii’s grandfather had been employed by Shen’s family as an accountant, and Yii’s uncle sold himself to the family as a bond servant. After Yii’s1 father died, he lived for a time with this uncle. Shen Tsan recalled that about this time (1563 or 1564) he and Yu used to play together. Yii was some eight or nine years older; so he was probably humoring the son of the master. A few years later Yii left his uncle to live with a Chou 周 family, probably as companion to its sons. He was so gifted and studious that he became informed about many subjects and could write poetry well. Before long he struck out to live independentIlIy. On one occasion he attracted the attention of Wang Shih-chen (分.v.) by sending him an effusion of one hundred fifty lines.<break>Wang’s praise of the piece quite naturally contributed to Yii’s reputation.<break>This occurred when Yii was about twenty-nine years of age, around the year 1580. A few years later Wang sent Yu a poem when the latter went to live in Wu-hsi 無錫，west of Soochow. Apparently at this time Yii had gained a reputation for integrity and fidelity. On one occasion he attended to the needs of a former benefactor in distress and at another time took care of the son of a deceased friend. The said benpfactor was Lung Tsung-wu 龍宗武(T.君揚，H.澄源，1542-1609, J cs 1571), one-time prefectural judge of Soochow, assistant prefect of T’ai-p’ing 太平_fu (c以. 1578), and an administration assistant commissioner of Hukuang (ca. 1583). Late in the 1570s Lung had befriended Yii and came to regard him as a protege. It happened that in 1578 a man accused of having written derogatory accounts about the powerful grand secretary, Chang Chii-cheng (q.v.)，died wh,ile awaiting trial in the T’ai-p’ing prison under Lung’s jurisdiction. There were rumors that Lung’s superiors, trying to please Chang, ordered Lung to have the man secretly put to death. By 1583, when an imperial decree posthumously denounced Chang, Lung and his former superior were formally charged with responsibility for the man’s death, and sentenced to permanent exile on the frontier. Yii voluntarily went to Hukuang to help in Lung’s defense, and after the sentencing sent him off. It was indeed a gallant act, but it probably made him feel insecure in his native place. In any case for some reason he changed his residence to Wu-hsi. He apparently had to give up hope of entering government service too, for in the poem of 1584 Wang Shih-chen addressed him as a shan-jen 山人，indicating that he had adopted a way of living that included a wide range of superior professionals, from artists to philosophers. Yii’s specialties included poetry and geomancy. In 1587 he published a collection of his poems (28 ch. ?，later expanded to 40<break>[1607]<break>YU An-ch，i<break>chiian), entitled Liao-liao chi 篸翏集. Shen Tsan, who was serving as a secretary in the ministry of Works in Nanking, records that Yii came to pay a visit, and surprised him with his change in appearance and dignified carriage—an entirely different person from the youth he had known; also that this collection had greatly enhanced his prestige. But certain poenls^n this work displeased the Manchu court two centuries later; so they were ordered expunged. On Yii’s poetry the Ssu-k'u editors quote with approval a disparaging remark by Chu I-tsun (ECCP): Yii’s poems are like colored paper flowers, pretty but without roots.<break>Both poetry and geomancy are arts that could be rendered as services to the affluent and influential—poetry for entertainment and geomancy to satisfy the selfish desire to prolong the enjoyment of wealth and power in the family. As a shan-jen, Yii traveled to various places for more than ten years. It is not at all, as one of his biographers suggests, that he was away from home because of wanderlust; he appears always to have been employed for one or another of his talents. For instance, in 1571, he was engaged as a guest companion and teacher by an imperial clansman in Sian, Shensi. A fellow townsman from Wu-hsi, by the name of Li Ying-hsiang 李應祥(T.善徵, cs 1577)，who was serving there as assistant administration commissioner, had compiled a gazetteer of Shensi and Kansu, entitled Yung-sheng liieh 雍勝暑，24 ch. Yii was asked to be an editor and to enrich it with quotations from famous poets and writers. His contribution was # so highly regarded that his name appears in the book as a joint compiler.<break>A few years later Yii returned south and began to publish his own books in Nanking. His first compilation was a classified encyclopedia, T'ang /ei-han 唐類函, 200 ch., printed in 1603. It lists as collator the name of Hsii Hsien-ch’ing 徐 顯 卿 (T. 公望，H.檢庵,cs 1568), who had died in 1602. As Hsii was one-time vice minister of<break>Personnel (1588-90)，perhaps his name did lend some prestige to the book. Actually Yii did not need it, for the work, an intelligent rearrangement of cullings from several T’ang compendia, answered the need of writers for ready reference to words and phrases, and became very popular. Later Yii published a series of similar compilations such as the aid to poets, Shih-chiin 詩雋 lei-han, 150 ch ” printed in 1609, listing the names of Mei Ting-tso as supplementer and Ts’ao Hsiieh-ch’tian (qq.v.) as editor. Another book in the series is a guide to letter writing, Ch’i 啓-ch"n lei-han, 102 ch., with a table of contents, 9 ch” and a supplement, Chih-kuan k'ao 職官考,5 ch” which gives - a list of titles and government offices, and serves as a reference to proper or fancy ways of addressing important persons. In addition to listing Ts’ao Hsiieh-ch’iian again as an editor, and Li Kuo-hsiang 李 國 祥 (T. 休徵)of Nanchang as the original compiler (輯撰)， Yii put his own name down as the assembler (彙編)of the Ch’i-chiin lei-han, probably because Li had an earlier compilation of which Yii made extensive use. A third one in the series is the Lei-yiian ch ’iung-ying 類苑瓊 英，10 ch., which seems not to have survived. None of these works was included in the Ssu-k’u library, but all received notices in its catalogue. By imperial order in 1710 the T ’ang lei-han was expanded by a commission to include post-T’ang works. This was printed in 450 chilan, under the title Yuan-chien lei-han (see Wang Shih-chen, ECCP).<break>Little is known about Yii’s later life except that about 1608 he bought a house with a garden in Nanking. In 1618，when he planned to retire, he sold the printing blocks of T'ang lei-han to another publisher, Ch’eng K’ai-hu 程開祐；who, instead of following the common practice of making changes on the blocks to list the new owner as the compiler, left the original authorship intact and merely supplied a preface. Yu is sometimes recorded as having had a son, Yii Nan-shih 南 史 (T.<break>YU Ch’ien<break>[1608]<break>無殊)，a poet. Actually he had two sons the elder being the renowned Ch’an master，Trung-wen 通If問 (T.箸庵，1604-55), author of Hsu teng ts ’un-kao 績燈存稿，12 ch., a work on the biographies and teachings of Ch’an monks from the late 12th to the 17th century.        、
yuan Hu2a0ng袁黃(T.坤儀，H .學海，了 凡，釋田逸農)， December 26，1533-1606, official and scholar, who resuscitated the Taoist merit and demerit system, was a native of Wu-chiang 吳江(Soochow), but his ancestral home was Chia-shan 嘉善 Chekiang. His great-great-grandfather, known as Yiian Ch’i-shan 杞山， was implicated in the abortive attempt of 1402 led by Huang Tzu-ch’eng (see Lien Tzu-ning) to resist Chu Ti (q.v.). As a result he had to leave home and went to live in Wu-chiang. It was also for this reason that no one of the Yiian family for the three following generations ever embarked on an official career, or took part in the examinations. In Wu-chiang his great-grandfather, Yuan Hao 顥 (T .孟 常，H.菊泉)，m arried into the family of Hsii Yu-chen (q. v.). Because of his sense of loyalty toward Chu Yiin-wen (q.v.) Yiian Hao wrote a treatise entitled Chu-te p ’ien 主德篇，in appreciation of that dethroned monarch. He and his son, Yiian Hsiang 祥 (T .怡杏)，and his grandson, Yiian Jen 仁 (T .參坡)，all followed the medical profession, although they were scholars as well and left writings on various topics. Another tradition of the Yuan family was its beliefs in various popular practiices, such as geomancy and physiog-<break>nomy, and also in religious Taoism.<break>Yiian Huang broke with this Heritage, however, and emerged as the first of his family to pursue an official career. He became a hsiu-ts’ai in 1550，but not until 1567 was he selected to be a kung-sheng in the National University, Peking. In 1570 he obtained the chii-jen, but another decade and a half elapsed before he passed the metropolitan examinations (1586) and was made a chin-shih. He received his first appointment as a magistrate of Pao-ti 寶抵 in the Shun-fien prefecture 順天府，where he took up his official duties in the summer of 1588. Being a conscientious official, he studied the problems of the administration and the ills of the people. The most celebrated of his achievements in Pao-ti was the lowering of the land tax from .237 to .146 taels of silver per mou. As Pao-ti was practically in the shadow of Peking, the transportation of tribute grain and choice timber for construction in the palace area became an additional burden for the people. Yiian, concerned with the alleviation of their ills, worked to solve these problems and others involving the floods and droughts that sometimes damaged the area. Yiian, because of his wide interests, also directed his attention to problems of national urgency, such as frontier defense, ocean transportation, and the preparation of young students prior to their sitting for the civil examinations.<break>When the Japanese invaded Korea (1592)， the Korean king urgently pled for Chinese help. The court in Peking first appointed Sung Ying-ch’ang Qsee Li Ju-sung) as governor-general of Chien-chou 達州 and Liaotung and Li Ju-sung as field commander. About this time Yiian was promoted to secretary in the ministry of War. He and another member of the same ministry, Liu Huang-shang 劉黃裳 (T .玄子，cs 1586，1527-93 + ),were posted as military councilors to the expeditionary force to Korea. Neither of them was young, Yiian nearly sixty, Liu over sixty. Early in 1593 they crossed the Yalu River<break>[1633]<break>YUAN Huang<break>and arrived in Korea. Following Li Ju-sung's initial victory, they moved to Pyongyang. Unfortunately the victory was not followed by further success; reverses, squabbles between the northern and southern forces, scandals and indecision in Peking, followed. Consequently, both Sung Ying-ch'ang and Li Ju-sung were ordered back to Peking in July, 1593. Yuan and Liu too were relieved of their responsibilities and retired from office, sharing the blame for these failures. Some years after his death, however, in a latjr reign, Yuan Huang was posthumously awarded the title of a vice minister of the Seal Office for his services in Korea.飞<break>The Choson wangj与 sillok 朝鮮王異實 錄 gives some interesting information about Yuan not found in Chinese sources: the Korean king was informed that Yuan gazed at the sky every morning, and that he allegedly declared that the atmosphere about the king's palace was favorable; hence, there was no doubt that the lost territories would be recovered. Prognostication involving study of the atmosphere （wang-ch'i 望氣），a feature of Chinese geomancy, quite bewildered the Korean king. He also learned that in Kaesong 嘉 山，Yuan had seen the Korean government statutes （會典）and made certain inquiries. This disturbed the king greatly, as shown by his repeated orders to the Korean officials to keep the work out of the reach of Yiian, lest it be taken to China. It is clear that the Koreans were critical and suspicious of the Chinese officials.<break>Yuan with his background and as a man of his time was, like many intellectuals of the sixteenth century, both a Confucian scholar and one deeply involved in Buddhistic beliefs, Taoist practices, and many folk cults as well. He promoted the amalgamation of the three teachings, and reintroduced the merit and demerit system. In a way, he and Lin Chao-en （q.v.） were the two chief revivers of religious Taoism in the late Ming in spite of the fact that the Buddhists<break>always laid claim to him as one of their followers.<break>At the age of sixty-eight, Yuan wrote a work of instructions for his son, Yuan Yen 袁儼（T.若思，H.素水，cs 1625, 1581-1627, magistrate of Kao-yao 高要，Kwang-tung）, which was later printed and reprinted many times and bore varied titles, such as Hsun-tzu yen 訓子言，Liao-fan ssu-hsun 了凡四訓，etc. The first of the four chapters of this work contains especially interesting autobiographical detail. Yuan Huang relates that after his father's death, while still in his 'teens, he took his mother's advice and ceased to prepare for the examinations, taking up the study of medicine instead. Then he met a Mr. K'ung 孑L from Yunnan, a Taoist prognosticator. Mr. K'ung told him that he was predestined to serve in officialdom and would become a hsiu-ts'ai in the following year. Thereupon Yuan abandoned medicine and returned to the pursuit of an official career. In the next year, indeed he passed all the qualifying examinations as K'ung predicted and at the exact rank foretold. Mr. K'ung then made a prognostication covering his whole life: his limited career in the bureaucracy, his death at fifty-three sui, and his fate of having no son. For some twenty years subsequently, everything happened as Mr. K'ung had said, even to the exact amount of stipend rice he would receive from the government. In accordance with the predictions, he became a kung-sheng and went to the National University at Peking. After one year in the capital, he was transferred （1569） to the National University of Nanking. Before reporting to the university, however, he visited the well-known Buddhist monk Fa-hui 法會（T.雲谷，1500-79） in the Ch'i-hsia 棲霞 mountains northeast of Nanking. For three days and three nights the learned monk and Yuan sat quietly face to face. Then Fa-hui started questioning Yuan on his life, ideas, and beliefs. Yuan confessed to being a fatalist, because of the accuracy of Mr. K'ung's predictions. To arouse him from this state,<break>YUAN Huang<break>[1634]<break>the monk drew on the Buddhist law of ethical causation, on the Confucian belief that one might escape from heavenly calamities but not from those brought on by oneself, and finally on the Taoist creed of self-discipline through the system of merit and demerit. Yuan was so moved that then and there he made the decision to seek rebirth through reason. To indicate this personal triumph, he changed his original tzu of Hsiieh-hai 學海，to Liao-fan 了凡，meaning “to end being average,n for the monk had told him that only average people allowed themselves to be bound by predetermination.<break>Perhaps it is appropriate to note here that while the Buddhist monk Fa-hui was teaching Yiian about the Taoist system of merit and demerit, another famous monk, Chu-hung (q.v,), in his youth (ca. 1550s) had reprinted the Kung-kuo ko 功過格 and later adapted it to Buddhist usage, publishing this new and revised edition in 1604 under the title Tzu-chih lu 自知錄• It shows how much the three teachings, by the sixteenth century, had become fused, the interpenetration being a threeway affair.<break>Following the encounter with Fa-hui, Yuan broke away from the spell produced by Mr. K'ung's prognostications. Vowing and successfully achieving three thousand good deeds, or merits, he passed the provincial examinations and became a chii-jen (1570). After this, he resolved to achieve another three thousand to fulfill his wish for a son, and a son was born to him in 1581. Then he concentrated on the desire to obtain an advanced degree, and a chin-shih he became (1586). Finally he reached the age of fifty-three sui, still hale and hearty, and lived on for many years more. The slow progress toward accomplishing the ten thousand merits of his later vow worried him after he had taken office as magistrate in Pao-ti. One night in a dream an immortal told him that his single official act of lowering the land tax could already be counted as ten thousand good deeds. While he was still<break>in doubt about this interpretation a monk from Mt. Wu-t'ai 五臺山 substantiated this statement informing him that by his act ten thousand people must have benefited.<break>Yuan left a number of works which can be classified under three categories： government-administrative writings, moral-religious writings, and reference books mostly aimed at students preparing for the examinations. In 1605 eleven of his shorter works were printed under the collective title Liao-fan tsa-chu 雜著，of which four may be considered as in the first category, namely the Ch'iiqn-nung shu 勸 農書 on agriculture, the Huang-tu shui-li 皇都水利 0n water conservancy in the capital area (noticed in the Ssu-k'u catalogue), the Li-fa hsin-shu 曆法新書 on the calendar, the Pao-ti cheng-shu ©書 on the administration of Pao-ti, where he served. The second category included his instructions for his son and the Ch'i-ssu chen-cWtian 祈嗣眞詮,the essentials for praying for an heir, which also received a notice in the Imperial Catalogue. In the third category was Li-shih kang-chien pu 歷史綱 鑑補，an outline history of China, first printed in 1606, and later in the Ch'ing period reprinted together with the Kang-chien hui-tsuan 綱鑑會纂 by Wang Shih-chen (q.v.) under the title Nuan Wang kang-chien ho-pien 合編 probably published by a bookdealer primarily for commercial gain. This work later became very popular among the Japanese. According to Morohashi Tetsuji 諸橋轍次 in the Daikanwa jiten 大漢和辭典,when modernization came to Japan, the term li-shih was adopted for the history course in the new schools. It is rather ironical that apparently the Chinese readopted it from the Japanese for the same purpose later. Another general reference work entitled the CWun-shu pei-k'ao 群書備考，with some notes made by his son, was compiled chiefly for the benefit of degree aspirants. It is not clear when it first appeared, but a 4 chiian edition, supplemented and published by Shen ChEng-shih 沈昌世(T.文甫，native of Hangchow), was printed in 1642 with<break>[1635]<break>YUAN Hung-tao<break>the variant longer titles, Tseng-ting 增訂， cKiXan■-cKang 全場， or Tseng-ting er-san-ch’ang 二三場 ch ’M-shu pei-k’ao. This work caught the attention of the Ch’ien-lung commissioners who ordered the excision (from chuan A y oi the maps of the northern frontier; fortunately complete<break>copies have survived. A prose anthology, also directed to examination participantIs, entitled P ’ing chu pa-tai wen-tsung 評註八 代文宗， 8 ch., likewise receives a notice in the Ssu-k’u catalogue.<break>Yuan Huang’s collefcted literary works, the Liang-hsing (o r^a ng) chai chi 兩 行齋集 in 14 chuan, which is a useful source for the study of his opinions and beliefs, was probably printed soon after his death. For example, a letter to Sung Ying_ch’ang reveals that Yuan originally did not favor the sending of an expeditionary force to Korea, And the rarely quoted biography of W ang Ken (分.v.)，the eccentric disciple of Wang Shou-jen (q. v.)，further evinces his relationship with the Wang Yang-ming school. One source suggests that the term Liang-hsing, which he chose for his studio name and then as the title of his collected literary works, connotes the idea that besides being a Confucian scholar he followed the two ways of both Taoism and Buddhism.<break>Besides the popularization of the system of merit and demerit, a work on quiet meditation, the Ching-tso yao-chiieh #爭坐要訣(1929)，has also been attributed to him. Yuan is said to have been a philanthropist, contributing every year many shih of grain, seventy percent of which went to Buddhist monks and thirty to his relatives and acquantances.
"YEH Shao-yiian 葉紹袁(T.仲韶，H.天 寥)，December 31, 1589-November 11, 1648, poet, came from a distinguished family whose home was situated near Lake Fen 汾湖 in the southern part of Wu-chiang 吳江，south of Soochow. His father, Yeh Chung-ti 重第 (d. 1599), became a chin-shih in 1587 in the same class as Yuan Huang(q.v.), a close friend from childhood. The two families lived not far apart, although the Yuan properties were located in the contiguous district of Chia-shan 嘉善，Chekiang province. In 1589, when Yeh Chung-ti and his wife were on their way to Peking for an assignment, Yeh Shao-yiian was born in an inn on the Grand Canal at Lin-ch'ing 臨淸，Shantung. It seems that an astrologer made a comment to the effect that the child could not survive his tenth birthday. According to popular belief, when the messenger of death called a name, the one who an-<break>swered to it would be taken away. Hence any child whose death at a certain age was predicted could, by being adopted by foster parents, live under an alias until he had passed that age. The prediction was made early in 1590, at the time when Yeh Chung-ti began his term as magistrate of Yii-fien 玉田，east of Peking, and while Yuan Huang was occupying a similar post in the adjoining district, Pao-ti 寶爵 Yeh Shao-yiian's parents took him at the age of four months to Pao-ti to live with Yiian Huang as his foster son. In 1592 Yiian, before going to Korea to fight the Japanese, sent his family back to Chia-shan with the Yeh child in their care. It was after his birthday in 1598 that the boy returned to his own family and began to live under his own name, Yeh Shao-yiian, which means the Yeh who carries on the Yuan tradition——an expression of gratitude. After his father died a year later, he again received help and instruction from Yiian Huang and was practically brought up with his, son, Yuan Yen (see Yuan Huang). The two passed the provincial examination in the same year (1624), Yuan in Hangchow and Yeh at Nanking. Then both qualified for the chin-shih in Peking a year later; so also did a cousin, Yeh Shao-jung 顒(T.季若，d. ca. 1670). Of the three Yeh Shao-jung fared best in his official career, serving as censor inspector in Kwangtung (1633-35) and Shansi (1638), and minister of the Grand Court of Revision (January 1641-42), accumulating wealth as he did so. Yuan Yen went in 1626 to Kwangtung to act as a magistrate and died there a year later.<break>Yeh Shao-yiian's term in the bureaucracy was brief. After serving as an instructor' in the military school at Nanking (1627) and in the National University in Peking (1628) he held for two years the post of a secretary in the ministry of Works (1628-30). During the Manchu invasion of 1630 he took part in the defense of Peking, being responsible for the deepening of the moat along the east<break>[1577]<break>YEH Shao-yiian<break>wall and for control of the military supply depot, Kuei-chia ch5ang 盔甲廠，in the southeastern corner of Peking. The behavior of the eunuchs supervising .public works at this time of national crisis greatly disheartened him; he found them abusing the people and busily lining their own pockets. He also witnessed the firing of new guns, some of which exploded because the officer in charge, who had received a bribe, tampered with the powder in order to put the blame on the minister of Works, Nan Chu-i （q.v.）・ । According to Yeh's autobiography, the cannon, presented by Hsii Kuang-ch'i（ECCP）, exploded at that time too, because the emperor, who was present, ordered the use of an excessive amount of gunpowder. After the disaster the emperor ordered strict observation of Hsii's directions on the use and care of western style firearms.	、/<break>Late in 1630 Yeh Shao-yiian asked for leave to be with his mother who was then over seventy years of age. He had been in charge of supplying the government with military equipment worth over forty thousand taels and made an accurate account of all transactions. In the end he could not even finance his own passage home without a loan from his wife's younger brother, Shen Tzu-cheng 沈自徵 （T.君庸，H.漁洋，1591-January 31, 1633）, whose income in Peking as a private adviser on military affairs to high officials was better than his. Yeh knew that his honesty had exasperated his predecessors, superiors, and expectant successors, who thought him a fool, but he could not have acted otherwise. He related how in 1625 a friend promised him appointment to the Hanlin Academy on the payment of sixteen hundred taels instead of the regular price of two thousand, and when he refused the friend called him too impractical （太迂）.<break>Early in 1631 Yeh arrived home two days before the lunar New Year's Day, and so was able to celebrate it with his entire family together. His wife, Shen I-<break>hsiu 宜修（T.宛君，1590-1635）, a noted poet, was the daughter of Shen Ch'ung 琥（T.季玉,H.懋所,1562-1622, cs 159 5）, a second cousin of Shen Ching （q.vj. Their marriage in 1605 was a celebrated event in the Soochow area, for they were known as a well-favored and talented couple. They had eight sons and four daughters. The three older daughters, Yeh Wan-wan 紈紈（T.昭齊,1610-January 31, 1633）, Yeh Hsiao-wan 小紈（T・蕙綢，b. 1613）, and Yeh Hsiao-luan 補（T.適章, 瑤期，1616-32）, were gifted and versed in poetry. The eldest daughter married a grandson of Yuan Huang; the second daughter married Shen Yung-chen 永植， a grandson of Shen Ching.<break>The third daughter, Yeh Hsiao-luan, was brought up by her uncle, Shen Tzu-cheng, also a poet, as was his wife, Chang Ch^en-ch^en 張倩倩 （1594-1627）. When Yeh Hsiao-luan left the Shen household in 1625 to return home, she surprised her parents by her pleasing appearance and gracious manners. Two years later, at the age of eleven, she began to study the art of poetry; at thirteen came the game wei-ch4 圍棋，and at fifteen, painting and music. Her father commented on her looks as unsurpassed. Her mother, in a sketch of Hsiao-luan^ life, summarized the girFs appearance as one of unusual beauty. At that time she was betrothed to a certain Chang Li-p^ng 張立平.Five days before the wedding she passed away. Her parents, grief stricken, wrote eulogies of her and believed that she became a Taoist goddess. Seventy days later her eldest sister, Wan-wan, died of a disease of the lung, but probably her unhappy marriage affected her health, for her husband completely ignored her. In April, 1635, Yeh Shao-yiian^ second son, Yeh Shih-ch'eng 世傅（T・聲期，b. 1618） succumbed to heart failure after failing in the examination required for entrance to the local school, while his elder and a younger brother succeeded. Half a year later their mother also died.<break>Yeh Shao-yiian, grieved by these<break>YEH Shao-yiian<break>[1578]<break><break>losses, was determined to perpetuate their memory. It was rather unusual for a girl to be educated, and Yeh was appreciative of the extraordinary fact that so many of his female kinsfolk had learned the art of poetry. From 1632 to 1636 he edited and published their works and the eulogies about them, his own included, in a collection known as Wu-meng-fang chi 午 夢堂集 consisting of the following titles: Li-ch'ui 嚳吹 and Mei-hua shih 梅花詩 by Shen I-hsiu; CWou-yen 愁言 by Yeh Wan-wan; Fan-sheng-hsiang 返生香 by Yeh Hsiao-luan; Yiian-yang meng 鴛撫夢，a drama by Yeh Hsiao-wan; Yao-y^eh 窈聞 and Hsii 續 yao-wen, accounts by Yeh himself relating that Yeh Hsiao-luan had become a goddess or “immortal” and telling of a seance at which she appeared; I-jen ssu 伊人思，selected writings of forty-four women, edited by Shen I-hsiu; Po-wen ts'ao 百旻草，by Yeh Shih-ch'eng; Ch'in-chai yuan 秦齋怨，eulogies of his mother, wife, daughters, and sons, by Yeh Shao-yiian; Chi-yen ai 蛆雁哀，eulogies of Shen I-hsiu by her sons and daughters; and T'ung-lien hsil-so 彤奩續些，more eulogies. The following items were added later: Ling-hu chi 靈護集，writings by another son, Yeh Shih-jung 世俗(T.威期；1619-40), and Ch'iung-hua ching 瓊花鏡，describing a seance in 1642 during which Yeh Shao-yiian learned that his deceased wife and daughters had all become goddesses.<break>Yeh Shao-yiian did not remarry； in 1636, then forty-seven years of age, he<break>arranged marriages for the last two slave girls in the family. In 1637, after seeing his father's name entered into the Wu-chiang district shrine of local worthies, he completed his autobiography, T'ien-liao tzu-chuan nien-pu 天寥自撰年譜.A supplement, Nien-p>u hsii 續，concludes with entries dated in August, 1645, when the Manchus crushed all resistance in the area and enforced the order to shave the forehead and braid the hair in a queue. Yeh finished his autobiography on the day that he left his home and entered a monastery to be tonsured as a Buddhist<break>monk, a symbolic way of showing resistance to the alien conquerors. He took no active part in the military resistance under the fellow townsman, Wu Yang (ECCP, p. 102), but tried to keep a re-cord< of those who did, among whom were some of his own relatives. When he died in 1648, he left a diary which he kept from September, 1645, to October, 1648, entitled Chia-hsing jih-chu 甲行日注,8 ch. written under his Buddhist name, Mu-fu 木拂(H.華桐流衲)；also a collection of anecdotes, entitled T'ien-liao nien-pu pieh-chi 另Ij記.For two hundred years his writings remained in manuscript; only in the 19th century were the autobiography and an imperfect edition of the diary printed. The autobiographical material, anecdotes, and a work entitled Hu-yin wai-skih 湖隱 外史 first appeared in 1906, being published by Teng Shih 鄧實 in his Kuo-ts'ui ts'ung-shu 國粹叢書.Later the autobiography, supplement, and the diary were included in Liu Ch'eng-karfs 劉承幹 Chia-yeh fang 嘉業堂 ts'ung-shu (1918).<break>In the 1930s, when the late Ming style of impressionistic prose came into vogue, Yeh Shao-yiian^ writings became popular too. An edition of his autobiography and supplement is included in the Chung-kuo ^en-hsueh chen-pen 中國文學珍 本 ts'ung-shu of 1936, where, together with the anecdotes and the diary, they are given the collective title Yeh T'ien-liao ssu-chung 四種.The same collection also incorporates a new edition of the Wu-<break>meng-fang cKuan-chi, thus furthering the popularity of the poems of Yeh's wife and daughters. Their poems in tz'u style may also be found in the anthology Hsiao-fan-luan-shih kuei-hsiu tz'u 小檀鸞室閨秀 詞，under the following titles: Li-ch'ui 〃‘〃 by Shen I-hsiu, Fang-hsileh hsiian 芳 雪軒 t^u by Yeh Wan-wan、and Shu-hsian^ ko 疎香閣 t^u by Yeh Hsiao-luan. They are obviously copied from the Wu-meng-fang chi.<break>In the late Ming period, perhaps more than at any other time, the belief in communication with the deceased, in<break>[1579]<break>YEH Shao-yuan<break>reincarnation, and in the transformation to a god or immortal after death, was quite prevalent. Ch'ien Ch'ien-i(ECCP), himself a believer, records that in the Soochow area there were seances, at which Yeh's wife and eldest daughter appeared as Ch'an Buddhist spirits of the T'ien-t'ai 天 台 sect; Yeh Hsiao-luan, at first as a Taoist spirit, is supposed to have been converted later to that sect too. Among the fourteen poems by Yeh Hsiao-luan in Ch'ien's anthology of Ming poetry, Lieh-ch'ao shih-chi, three are described as composed after death and revealed during seances. The Wu-meng-fang chi, of course contains many more such poems. An ink slab supposedly belonging to Yeh Hsiao-luan came into the possession of、a certain Wang Shou-mai 王壽邁；he printed a collection in 1856, entitled Yen yuan chi-lu 硯 緣集錄,which included descriptions of her and the ink slab, and some reports of seances in which she is said to have appeared.<break>Yeh Shao-yiian left two collections of poems, T'ien-liao chi and Lu-chu chi 櫚塵 集,which do not seem to be extant. Some of his writings may be found in the Wu-meng-fang chi and several other anthologies. They were conspicuously left out by Ch'ien Ch'ien-i in his anthology which, however, included some poems by Yeh's wife and daughters. A collection of poems, entitled Tsyun-yu ts'ao 存餘草 by his second daughter, Yeh Hsiao-wan, was printed about 1684 by her younger brother, Yeh Hsieh燮(T.星期，H.己畦，橫山, 1627-1703); he was Yeh Shao-yiian^ sixth son. It appears that he registered under his original name, Yeh Shih-kuan 世信， when he became a student in the school of the neighboring district, Chia-shan. After 1648 he changed his name to Yeh Hsieh, became a student of the prefectural school of Chia-hsing 嘉興,and proceeded to take the civil examinations until he became a chin-shih in 1670. During his first and only assignment, as magistrate of Pao-ying 寶應 on the Grand Canal north of Yangchow (1675-January, 1677),<break>he tried to serve conscientiously but was in the end cashiered. It was the time of the San-fan war when troops and supplies were transported continuously on the canal, making excessive demands on the post stations; yet the Manchu government had just ordered a general reduction in allowances, which resulted in the people in each district supplying more service on a smaller budget. This meant that the Chinese people were forced to finance the alien military power to conquer themselves, with Yeh Hsieh as one of the agents. It happened that the people of Pao-ying had been suffering from floods for several years and could not bear any additional tax burden. When Yeh Hsieh was discharged on the ground that he lacked the ability to meet the situation, he had to assume the deficit of the post station as his personal debt. It took him years to pay it off by teaching students at home and by occasionally serving as adviser to officials as far away as Kwangtung and Shensi. He left a literary collection, Chi-ch'i chi 己畦集，33 M., and a work on poetry, Yiian-shih 原詩，4 ch. These and a number of critical remarks on the writings of Wang Wan(ECCP), entitled Wang we〃 chai-miao 汪文摘謬，were reprinted by Yeh Te-hui (BDRC) in 1915-17."
YU An-ch’i 俞安期(early ming: Ts’e 策， T .公臨；changed ming to Hou 後，and T. to 羨長)，ca. 1551-ca. 1618，a native of Wu-chiang 吳江，prefecture of Soochow, was a poet and encyclopedist of note. According to Shen Tsan {see Shen Ching), Yii’s grandfather had been employed by Shen’s family as an accountant, and Yii’s uncle sold himself to the family as a bond servant. After Yii’s1 father died, he lived for a time with this uncle. Shen Tsan recalled that about this time (1563 or 1564) he and Yu used to play together. Yii was some eight or nine years older; so he was probably humoring the son of the master. A few years later Yii left his uncle to live with a Chou 周 family, probably as companion to its sons. He was so gifted and studious that he became informed about many subjects and could write poetry well. Before long he struck out to live independentIlIy. On one occasion he attracted the attention of Wang Shih-chen (分.v.) by sending him an effusion of one hundred fifty lines.<break>Wang’s praise of the piece quite naturally contributed to Yii’s reputation.<break>This occurred when Yii was about twenty-nine years of age, around the year 1580. A few years later Wang sent Yu a poem when the latter went to live in Wu-hsi 無錫，west of Soochow. Apparently at this time Yii had gained a reputation for integrity and fidelity. On one occasion he attended to the needs of a former benefactor in distress and at another time took care of the son of a deceased friend. The said benpfactor was Lung Tsung-wu 龍宗武(T.君揚，H.澄源，1542-1609, J cs 1571), one-time prefectural judge of Soochow, assistant prefect of T’ai-p’ing 太平_fu (c以. 1578), and an administration assistant commissioner of Hukuang (ca. 1583). Late in the 1570s Lung had befriended Yii and came to regard him as a protege. It happened that in 1578 a man accused of having written derogatory accounts about the powerful grand secretary, Chang Chii-cheng (q.v.)，died wh,ile awaiting trial in the T’ai-p’ing prison under Lung’s jurisdiction. There were rumors that Lung’s superiors, trying to please Chang, ordered Lung to have the man secretly put to death. By 1583, when an imperial decree posthumously denounced Chang, Lung and his former superior were formally charged with responsibility for the man’s death, and sentenced to permanent exile on the frontier. Yii voluntarily went to Hukuang to help in Lung’s defense, and after the sentencing sent him off. It was indeed a gallant act, but it probably made him feel insecure in his native place. In any case for some reason he changed his residence to Wu-hsi. He apparently had to give up hope of entering government service too, for in the poem of 1584 Wang Shih-chen addressed him as a shan-jen 山人，indicating that he had adopted a way of living that included a wide range of superior professionals, from artists to philosophers. Yii’s specialties included poetry and geomancy. In 1587 he published a collection of his poems (28 ch. ?，later expanded to 40<break>[1607]<break>YU An-ch，i<break>chiian), entitled Liao-liao chi 篸翏集. Shen Tsan, who was serving as a secretary in the ministry of Works in Nanking, records that Yii came to pay a visit, and surprised him with his change in appearance and dignified carriage—an entirely different person from the youth he had known; also that this collection had greatly enhanced his prestige. But certain poenls^n this work displeased the Manchu court two centuries later; so they were ordered expunged. On Yii’s poetry the Ssu-k'u editors quote with approval a disparaging remark by Chu I-tsun (ECCP): Yii’s poems are like colored paper flowers, pretty but without roots.<break>Both poetry and geomancy are arts that could be rendered as services to the affluent and influential—poetry for entertainment and geomancy to satisfy the selfish desire to prolong the enjoyment of wealth and power in the family. As a shan-jen, Yii traveled to various places for more than ten years. It is not at all, as one of his biographers suggests, that he was away from home because of wanderlust; he appears always to have been employed for one or another of his talents. For instance, in 1571, he was engaged as a guest companion and teacher by an imperial clansman in Sian, Shensi. A fellow townsman from Wu-hsi, by the name of Li Ying-hsiang 李應祥(T.善徵, cs 1577)，who was serving there as assistant administration commissioner, had compiled a gazetteer of Shensi and Kansu, entitled Yung-sheng liieh 雍勝暑，24 ch. Yii was asked to be an editor and to enrich it with quotations from famous poets and writers. His contribution was # so highly regarded that his name appears in the book as a joint compiler.<break>A few years later Yii returned south and began to publish his own books in Nanking. His first compilation was a classified encyclopedia, T'ang /ei-han 唐類函, 200 ch., printed in 1603. It lists as collator the name of Hsii Hsien-ch’ing 徐 顯 卿 (T. 公望，H.檢庵,cs 1568), who had died in 1602. As Hsii was one-time vice minister of<break>Personnel (1588-90)，perhaps his name did lend some prestige to the book. Actually Yii did not need it, for the work, an intelligent rearrangement of cullings from several T’ang compendia, answered the need of writers for ready reference to words and phrases, and became very popular. Later Yii published a series of similar compilations such as the aid to poets, Shih-chiin 詩雋 lei-han, 150 ch ” printed in 1609, listing the names of Mei Ting-tso as supplementer and Ts’ao Hsiieh-ch’tian (qq.v.) as editor. Another book in the series is a guide to letter writing, Ch’i 啓-ch"n lei-han, 102 ch., with a table of contents, 9 ch” and a supplement, Chih-kuan k'ao 職官考,5 ch” which gives - a list of titles and government offices, and serves as a reference to proper or fancy ways of addressing important persons. In addition to listing Ts’ao Hsiieh-ch’iian again as an editor, and Li Kuo-hsiang 李 國 祥 (T. 休徵)of Nanchang as the original compiler (輯撰)， Yii put his own name down as the assembler (彙編)of the Ch’i-chiin lei-han, probably because Li had an earlier compilation of which Yii made extensive use. A third one in the series is the Lei-yiian ch ’iung-ying 類苑瓊 英，10 ch., which seems not to have survived. None of these works was included in the Ssu-k’u library, but all received notices in its catalogue. By imperial order in 1710 the T ’ang lei-han was expanded by a commission to include post-T’ang works. This was printed in 450 chilan, under the title Yuan-chien lei-han (see Wang Shih-chen, ECCP).<break>Little is known about Yii’s later life except that about 1608 he bought a house with a garden in Nanking. In 1618，when he planned to retire, he sold the printing blocks of T'ang lei-han to another publisher, Ch’eng K’ai-hu 程開祐；who, instead of following the common practice of making changes on the blocks to list the new owner as the compiler, left the original authorship intact and merely supplied a preface. Yu is sometimes recorded as having had a son, Yii Nan-shih 南 史 (T.<break>YU Ch’ien<break>[1608]<break>無殊)，a poet. Actually he had two sons the elder being the renowned Ch’an master，Trung-wen 通If問 (T.箸庵，1604-55), author of Hsu teng ts ’un-kao 績燈存稿，12 ch., a work on the biographies and teachings of Ch’an monks from the late 12th to the 17th century.        、
LU Chih陸治(T・叔平，H.包山)1496-1576, a native of Wu-hsien (Soochow), was an essayist, poet, and painter of landscapes and natural objects： flowers, birds, blossoming trees, etc. He was a student of the district school but failed in the higher examinations. Later he retired to a retreat in Chih-hsing-shan 支硼山，southwest of Wu-hsien, where he lived to the end of his days, tending his chrysanthemums, painting, and writing. From time to time acquaintances sought him out in his retreat, and to some he gave his paintings but reports have it that he refused to sell a single one. A close friend and perhaps at one time his tutor was Wen Cheng-ming (q. v.); Wen's calligraphy and poems appear on some of his works of art. (Cf painting of Lake Shih below; Tomita and Ch'iu have translated Wen's poem into English.) Lu owed much as well to the masters of the 10th to 13th centuries. The notorious official Yen Sung (q. v.), whose possessions were confiscated by the government at the time of Yen's trial- for malfeasance in office, owned nine of Lu's hanging scrolls and one long hand scroll. The Palace Museum in Taiwan records in its collection twelve hanging scrolls (ranging in size from 26.3x61.7 cm. to 124.8 X51.7 cm.), an album of ten paintings of flowers, and another album which contains, along with eleven specimens of calligraphy by TsEi Yu 蔡羽(T・九逵 H. 林屋山人,d・ 1541), ten of Lu's paintings, mostly small landscapes, reproduced in 1934 under the title Ming Lu Chih Ts'ai Y" shu^hua ho-pi明陸治蔡羽書畫合璧. Osvald Siren hazards the judgment that Lu was at his best when working on a small scale. However that may be, his landscapes, large or small, are today particularly prized, being composed with un-<break>[991]<break>LU Hsi-hsing<break>usual skill. Lu was fond of using fresh colors such as earthen-red or Indian-red and emerald green.<break>According to Hsii Pang-ta 徐邦達, seventy-two of Lu's paintings have survived (O. Siren lists eighty-two, fifty-one of which bear his signature). A considerable number of them carry dates, which seem to indicate that his productive period ran up to a year before his death, 1522 to 1575. Besides the Palace Museum collection and others on the Chinese mainland, there are several of Lu's paintings in Japan, Europe, Canada, and the United States. Two of the scenes represented he must have known particularly well： one is of his retreat (Chih-hsing-shan tl), now in the Palace Museum, and the other is of Lake Shih 石湖，situated near Soochow, and depicts its islands, cottages, bridges, and boats; it is now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. The Chinese government exhibited one of his paintings at the Panama Exposition (1915) and three at the International Exhibition of Chinese Art, London (1935-36).
WEN Cheng-ming 文徵3明(originalming: Pi 璧，tzu\ Cheng-ming, and 徵仲，H. 衡 山)，November 6, 1470-1559, painter, calligrapher, and scholar, was a native of Wu-hsien (Soochow). He was a descendant of the same clan as Wen T’ien-hsiang (1236-January 3，1283)，the noted last-ditch defender of the Sung, and traced his ancestry far back in Chinese history. In recognition of this fact he took as his hao the name of the district in Hukuang, Heng-shan, where the Wen family established itself shortly after the year A D. 1000. Not until the time of Wen Cheng-ming’s greatgrandfather, Wen Hui 文惠，who belonged in the military officer category, did the family move to the area of Soochow.<break>Relatively early in his long life Wen Cheng-ming dropped his given name, Pi, in favor of his tzu. It was not, however, a youthful change. Evidence from dated paintings finds him still using the name Pi in his mid-forties. The year 1515 (or possibly 1516) is the last clear date that he employed both Pi and Cheng-ming for his signature or seal. When he was young he appeared to some ' to be a very dull boy. Only his father, Wen Lin 林(T. 宗儒，1445-99，cs 1472)，differed, having faith, we are told, that the boy’s talents would in time reveal themselves. The father died suddenly while serving as<break>prefect of Wen-chou 溫州，Chekiang, and though Wen Cheng-ming rushed to his side, he arrived three days too late. The accounts, such as his biography in the Ming-shih, asserting that Wen was sixteen sui at this time, are in error.<break>The story is told that at the time of Wen Lin’s death, his colleagues collected a sum of money to present to the son, but that the latter refused to accept it. This sense of family pride and independence becomes a constant theme that is stressed in all accounts of Wen Cheng-ming’s life. There is another story about his relative poverty at this time. Yii Chien 俞諌(T.良佐，1453- 1527, cs 1490)，who held the title of censor and was a friend of Wen’s uncle, Wen Shen 森 (T .宗嚴 1462-1525， cs 1487， his father’s younger half-brother), wished to give him some money. But when the uncle questioned the adequacy of his food, the young scholar asserted that he had enough gruel to eat; when asked as to his clothes, Wen insisted that the spots on them were caused by rain and were temporary, and when finally the uncle suggested that something should be done to clear the drain before his living quarters, Wen replied that such action would damage the houses of his neighbors. Yii Chien then gave up his attempts to render aid.<break>Wen devoted himself early in life to acquiring the learning and artistic skills for which he was to become so famous. He was helped by several of his father’s close friends. Wu K’uan (分. v. ) who achieved the chin-shih in the same year as Wen Lin, is said to have guided his prose, and sometimes also his poetry and calligraphy； Li Ying-chen 李應F楨(T. 貞伯，1431-93) helped him with his callig-raphy； and Shen Chou (分. v.) was his master in painting. In addition he was close to others of his own generation who shared the same scholarly and artistic interests; they helped make Soochow China’s major cultural center at this time. These were Chu Yiin-ming (q. v.)，Soo-chow’s leading calligrapher; T’ang Yin (q.<break>WEN Cheng-ming<break>[1472]<break>v.), the painter; and Hsii Chen-ch'ing (q. v.), the leading literary personality. While the great figures of the day are usually cited as excelling in some branch of the arts, they most certainly were gifted in more than one. Thus Wen wrote a good deal of poetry, which has found its way into standard anthologies, and in his collected writings, Fu-fien c友，甫田集，there are some seven hundred forty-one poems preserved.<break>By this time in China's history, cultural attainments were constantly compared to or contrasted with those of earlier days. Styles of the past were of vital importance in forming one飞 own. Accordingly writers brought forth great names when discussing Wen's artistic work. Chao Meng-fu (1254-1322), an artist of high accomplishment, was his most admired model. As Wen's pupil, Ch'en Tao-fu (q. v.), wrote of the “Seven Junipers" that Wen painted with the Yuan master in mind： “In his lines and washes, delicate and lush, he attained the essence of Chao Meng-fu's genius.” Li Kung-lin(1049 -1106) is sometimes named as another influence. As we now look critically at Wen's existing paintings, we can affirm that his interest in the painting of the past ranged far more widely than standard esthetics of the literati would indicate.<break>Early in life Wen had not followed a course leading to the official examinations, and attempts to involve him in government service after he had acquired some fame met with indifferent success. In 1519-20, when the prince of Ning, Chu Ch^n-hao (see Wang Shou-jen), led a revolt in Kiangsi, he tried unsuccessfully to enlist the services of Wen, then in his late forties. Wen, refusing his invitation and offer of money, pleaded illness.<break>At the age of fifty-three sui he was recommended to Peking for an official post by the governor, Li ChJung-ssu 李充 嗣(T.,士修，H.梧山,1462-1528, cs 1487). His trip north during the spring of 1523 along the Grand Canal was memorable<break>enough to inspire a series of poems, the first from Yangchow. On being examined by the ministry of Personnel, he obtained the rank of consultant (9B) in the Hanlin Academy and worked on the shih-lu of the Cheng-te period. He was awarded the “golden belt” for his services when the history was completed (1525). He is said to have had to petition the throne three times for retirement. Finally, in 1526, after approximately three years in the north, he was allowed to return home. Since it was winter, he waited for the spring thaw to permit his return by boat：<break>From this time on, the rest of his long life was spent in his native Soochow where he earned lasting fame as an independent scholar-painter. Although some accounts indicate that he now built for himself a special dwelling or studio, calling it Yii-ch^ng shan-fang 2^UJ# (Jadechime mountain-dwelling), it seems to have been in existence before his trip north; an example of his calligraphy (in Kansas City's Nelson Gallery) written at the Yii-ch'ing shan-fang is dated in the eighth month of 1516. Another important studio was the T'ing-yiin-kuan 停雲舘(Hall of the lingering clouds), mentioned, for example, on paintings of 1517 and 1538.<break>It is clear that an artist-scholar Eike Wen was far more important for his writing, his calligraphy, and his painting than for his activities in office. There is thus little about his long life in Soochow that offers significant material for standard Chinese biographies. Fortunately a large number of scrolls by Wen have been preserved. Occasionally inscriptions on them give us insights into his career. Thus we know that in 1497 he was still under the tutelage of Shen Chou, who asked him to copy a painting by Chao Meng-fu. Toward the end of 1507 he painted a small hanging scroll for a certain Lai-shih 瀨石 who was going north (for official service). This travel present is perhaps Wen's earliest dated preserved scroll. In 1508 he visited nearby T'ien-p'ing Mountain天平山，which was a rather<break>[1473]<break>WEN Cheng-ming<break>frequent goal of local expeditions. Another important locat pilgrimage spot must have been West Island on Tung-fing Lake 洞庭西山.We know from a painting that Wen was there in 1543. The memory of his travels to the north stayed with him. In 1527, on his return, he had been sufficiently impressed by the northern pine trees to become involved in a painting of this theme, finished only by 1531. As late as 1537, fourteen years after his journey to Peking, he wrote out the series of poems—mentioned above—that he had composed on the trip. In his later years he was very close to Hua Hsia華夏, a collector and scholar in Wu-hsi無錫.In 1549 Wen painted a picture of Hua's studio; later he sent Hua a magnolia painting in return for the hospitality shown while visiting him there. The Soochow artist painted the studio again eight years later in 1557. His interest in the theme of old age, particularly in painting rocks and ancient trees is important at this time （1549-51）. Yet the most significant fact about his advancing years seems to have been not the weakening of his powers, but a constant vigor and strength. The careful precise brushing of small k'ai-shu script continued to the end of his life. At the age of eighty-six he carefully copied the Ch'ih-pi fu 赤壁賦（Red Cliff） by Su Shih （January 8, 1037-1101） in this style to pay back a wager for having lost a game of chess. One of the greatest examples of his calligraphy in a bold standard style comes from the final year of his life when he was eighty-nine. He died peacefully while writing a friend's tomb inscription; putting aside his brush he sat motionless, going, we are told, like an immortal.<break>As might be expected, Wen seems to have had a model family. His wife was a daughter of Wu Yii 吳愈（T.惟謙,H.遮庵, 1443-1526, cs 1475）. She was born the same year as her husband, but died at the age of seventy-two in 1542. They had three sons and two daughters. We know most about two of the sons who were import-<break>ant artists in their own right： Wen P'eng 彭（T.壽承，H.三橋，1489-1573）, the eldest, and Wen Chia 嘉（T.休承，H.文 水，1501-83）, his second son. A nephew, Wen Po-jen 伯仁（T.德承，H.五峯，1502-75）, was also one of the leading artists of his day. The skills of the family continued for several generations and thus one finds a grandson, Wen Tslng-chEng 從昌（T・南岳，夢珠，1574-1648）, and a great-granddaughter, （Chao） Wen Shu （趙）淑（1595-1634）, often listed among the names of later artists.<break>Wen Cheng-ming^ influence spread to a whole circle of pupils and friends. In this group one may mention Ch'en Tao-fu, Wang Ch'ung, Lu Chih （qq. v.）, Wang Ku-hsiang王穀祥（T.祿之，H.酉室， 1501-68）, Ch'ien Ku, Chu Chieh （qq. v.）, and Lu Shih-tao陸師道（T.子傳，H.元洲， cs 1538）. Wen is one of the first artists in Chinese history from whom we have such a rich store of surviving painting and calligraphy. Not until the Ch'ing dynasty do we appear to have comparable bodies of material that we can with confidence associate with individual artists. While we have something of the same phenomenon in the case of Shen Chou, teacher of Wen, for thelatter even more is available and many of the finest works are carefully dated. While Shen may always stand as the figure who made Soochow synonymous with the greatness of scholar-painting in the Ming period, Wen distilled his master's more blunt beginnings to the point of a refined and clearly conscious art. We surely do not yet know enough about this art to select with certainty all authentic paintings from the great mass of attributed works. But since Wen's life was so much his painting—a seemingly endless stream of creativity—no account of that life would be complete without a substantial, although not definitive, list of scrolls known now either in relatively available originals or through existing reproductions. A starting point for an understanding of Wen's art is the list of paintings given by Osvald Siren. For the seals on some<break>WEN Tijen<break>[1474]<break>of his paintings see Victoria Contag° and C. C. Wang.
CHANG Hung張宏(T.君度,H.鶴澗), 1577-1668+, was an artist from Wu 吳-hsien (Soochow) who painted mainly landscapes, sometimes figures, and occasionally water buffaloes. Nothing is known of Chang's life except the little that can be garnered from his inscriptions on his own paintings. He like many other artists, made excursions, often with friends, to famous sites and then produced paintings depicting the scenes. Judging from the inscriptions both extant and recorded, Chang's travels were largely confined to the area between Soochow and Nanking. He visited Mt. Shih-hsieh in 1613 as shown by his ^Shih-hsieh-shan t'u” 石屑山圖，in the National Palace Museum, Taipei. In 1618 he was at the Peach-leaf Ford 桃葉 渡 located at the confluence of the Ch'in-huai 秦淮 and Ch'ing 靑 Rivers, near Nanking; in 1634 he went to Mt. Ch'i・hsia, a mountain noted for its rock-cut Buddhist shrines and its difficult ascent. “Ch'i・hsia・ shan 棲霞山 t'u" is a result of this trip and is in the same museum. In 1638 he<break>was in Ch'ang-chou 常州，and in 1650 journeyed to Mt Chii・ch'(i 句曲，famous for its grottoes and Taoist associations, and painted the “Chii・ch'ii sung-feng 松風 t，u” (The wind in the pines of Mt・ Chii-ch'ii), now in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts. Chang embarked on an extended tour through eastern Chekiang in the spring of 1639 and. upon his return in the autumn of the same year, produced an album of eight leaves entitled 4<Yiieh-chung ming-sheng” 越中名勝 (Famous scenes of Yiieh), depicting some of the scenery he had observed on his trip. At the end of his inscription on the last leaf of this album, he made the following significant comment, “Hearing about these places is not as good as seeing them.”<break>Among his other artistic accomplishments are paintings on fans presented to friends and acquaintances, as well as paintings of Soochow gardens, local scenic spots (the nearby hills and lakes), and snowscapes. (For an example of the latter, see Ku-kung 故宮，no. 13.) In 1641 he collaborated with the portrait artist Shu Ku-ch'ing 舒固卿 in making a likeness of the literatus, Wang Hsin-i 王心一(T・ 純甫，H.元珠，1572-1645, cs 1613), for which Chang contributed the landscape setting.<break>Interestingly, for a period of four years, from 1644 until 1648, there is not a single painting by Chang Hung recorded or extant. Perhaps the Manchu take-over of China afFected his artistic career. In any case he was painting again in 1648, but after 1652, when he was seventy-five years of age, he was forced to cease his artistic pursuits. It is said that students of painting looked up to Chang for some eighty years. This, plus the fact that his travels often took him to the Nanking area, helps explain his contact with the artist Tsou Che 鄒詰 (T.方魯，1636-1708?), a native of Soochow who lived in Nanking and who in the winter (tenth month) of 1668 dedicated a landscape painting to Chang when the latter was ninety-one years of age. From Chang's<break>[89 ]<break>CHANG Hung<break>extant paintings, and from records of his other paintings, it is clear that he not only interpreted the styles of Yuan dynasty artists, but he also painted studies after both Northern and Southern Sung artists. He further executed paintings after such Ming dynasty masters as Shen Chou and Lu Chih (赦・v.). One of these by Chang is the "Fang Lu Chih ch'a-hua shui-hsien 仿陸治茶花水仙 t'u” (Camellia and narcissus after Lu Chih), now in the National Palace Museum. Besides those landscapes done after old masters, Chang's landscape technique is partially based upon the late Wu school style of Wen Cheng-ming(q.v.) and his associates. Beyond this, one major characteristic of Chang's art is a sense of a realistic scene conveyed through descriptive details and color. Chang sometimes uses extremely tall and narrow formats; for example, the painting of Mt. Ch'i-hsia measures one hundred thirty-five inches in height and forty inches in width. In this painting, the complex composition occupies nearly the entire space; the impressively rugged terrain is replete with an incredible amount of realistic detail: pavilions, stone walls, pagodas, halls, rock-cut shrines, paths, figures; multitudes of pines, othfer trees, and vegetation fill the steep ravine and cling to the cliff-tops. In the painting of Mt. Chii-ch'ii, the artist uses a minimum of ink strokes and instead constructs the major mountain forms by means of extensive areas of muted buff and green tones, in places covered with patches of grey wash. Sometimes the colors merge imperceptibly with each other, sometimes they dissolve into mists or outline winding paths. The colored mountain slopes and the inclusion of pertinent descriptive details suggest the reality of a scene more spacious and airy, if somewhat more barren, than that of Mt. Ch'i-hsia.<break>Chang's particular sensitivity to color in nature and the translation of it into painting through the use of extensive areas of color wash enabled him to produce the extremely evocative and softly poetic, moonlight-suffused landscape hand-<break>scroll, ^Hua-tzu kang yeh-yu 華子岡夜遊 t'u," which depicts the evening wanderings of the T'ang dynasty poet, Wang Wei (701-61), in the Hua-tzu hills. This hand scroll is now in the National Palace Museum. Very few of Chang's figure paintings have survived. What is perhaps the earliest one extant (undated, but bearing a colophon by Wang Chih-teng [q.v.]), is the hanging scroll in the National Palace Museum, entitled “Pu・tai lo-han 布袋羅漢 t，u" (Arhat Pu-tai, d. ca. 917), executed in broad strokes of fluid monochrome ink wash. Totally different in style is an album of figure studies, some with landscape backgrounds, painted in 1649 and now in a private collection. With neat, if sometimes mannered, ink outlines and light color washes, he realistically portrays the characteristic poses and gestures of such diverse subjects as fishermen and their families, woodcutters burdened with loads of kindling, gentlemen with servants in their gardens and studios, or school children at their classroom lessons. An example of Chang's depiction of water buffaloes and herdboys is reproduced by Siren.
CHOU Shun-dfang 周順昌(T 景文，H, 蓼洲，冰條),September 20, 1584-July 10, 1626, a native of Wu 吳-hsien, Soochow prefecture, was one of the “ seven Tung-lin Party heroes” who died by order of the eunuch dictator Wei Ghung-hsien (ECCP, see also Kao P’an-lung), and whose arrest provoked a sensational riot among the people of Soochow.<break>Chou had only a decade-long official<break>[275]<break>CHOU Shun-ch9ang<break>career. After passing the metropolitan examination of 1613， he was appointed prefectural judge of Foochow, Fukien. Then in 1619 he was summoned to the capital for reassignment, and in 1621-22 served as secretary of all four bureaus of the m inistry of Personnel in turn, finally being promoted to the vice directorship of the bureau of appointments. Before the end of 1622 he went home to Soochow on leave of absence and never took office again. While in service Chou acquired a reputation for rigid integrity and uprightness, and while living at home he was a champion of popular local causes. He did not consider himself a Tung-lin partisan, and his name was omitted from the earliest Tung-lin lists drawn up for Wei Chung-hsien in 1624. But Chou made enemies among those who stood against the Tung-lin group.<break>Chou reportedly “ hated wickedness as a personal enemy，’’ and he found much to dislike in Wei’s rise to power. In 1624 the popular governor of the Nanking-Soochow area, Chou Ch^,-yuan- {see Chang Hsieh), was dismissed from office and his name deleted from the civil service roster for having denounced Li Shih 李實，eu-nuch supervisor of imperial textile manufactories in Soochow and Hangchow. Chou Shun-ch’ang wrote an essay in Chou Ch’i_ yiian’s honor, making sh^rp criticisms of current trends at court. Both Li Shih and Wei Chung-hsien took note. Then in 1625, upon the arrests of six Tung-lin leaders who were ultimately put to death in a palace prison, Chou openly befriended one of them, Wei Ta-chung (see Kao P’an-lung), when he was escorted through Soochow en route to Peking, and even betrothed a daughter to Wei’s grandson. In the presence of Wei’s escort of imperial guardsmen, Chou repeatedly shouted curses about Wei Chung-hsien. When this news reached the capital, one of the eunuch’s henchmen, the investigating censor N i Wen-huan 愧 文 煥 (cs 1619)，impeached Chou for consorting with a criminal and Chou’s name was removed from the civil service<break>register.<break>By early 1626 Wei Chung-hsien and his sycophants wholly dominated the court and a purge of their old enemies was at its height. W ith the connivance or acquiescence of Li Shih, Wei n6w prepared im perial orders fo r the arrest of seven eminent Tung-lin men of the populous, rich, and influential southeastern region: Chou Ch’i-yiian {see Chang Hsieh), Chou Shun_ch’ang，M iao Ch’ang_ch’i (分.v.3，Huang Tsun-su (ECCP, p. 351), Chou Tsung-chien, Li Ying-sheng, and Kao P’an-lung (for the last three see Kao P’an-lung).<break>Imperial guardsmen arrived in Soo-chow on April 1 bearing an order for the arrest of Chou Tsung-chien. The guardsmen lingered as long as they dared, collecting bribes to assure the prisoner’s fair treatment. The arrest order was not formally promulgated until April 6, and the guardsmen did not depart until April 8. At about the same time other guardsmen arrested M iao Ch’ang-ch’i of nearby Chiang-yin 江陰-hsien. Chou Shun-ch’ang contributed money in both cases. He had to pawn his formal official robes and hats to do so, for he was by no means wealthy. Meantime, rumors abounded as to who m ight be the next victim , and the city grew restless.<break>On April 11 another detachment of imperial guardsmen, apparently numbering sixty men, arrived with an order for the arrest of Chou Shun-ch’ang. On their instructions the local magistrate, Ch’en Wen-j u i，陳 文 瑞 (cs 1625), who had earlier studied under Chou and was a close friend, placed him in detention in his yamen pending formal promulgation of the order, when the prisoner would be delivered to the guardsmen. For three days the guardsmen postponed action, assiduously collecting bribes on Chou’s behalf from the townspeople. Crowds began m illing about the yamen, muttering vague threats; and Chou was moved to other yamen in succession as the local authorities tried to keep tensions down.<break>It was finally announced that the<break>CHOU Shun-ch'ang<break>[276]<break>order for Chou’s arrest would be promulgated publicly at noon on April 14 at a yamen backing on the city wall near one of its great gates. This was a dark, rainy day. Nevertheless, “several tens of thousands” of Soochow townspeople reportedly jammed the route by which Chou was taken to the ceremony in a caged cart, and most of the city’s normal activities stopped for the day. Waving incense burners and chanting “Save our Chou! Save our Chou!” the crowd repeatedly blocked the procession despite Chou’s own pleas for restraint and order.<break>At the yamen where im perial guardsmen awaited Chou, more than five hundred literati of the region also waited in form al garb; and townspeople were packed in the courtyard and atop the city wall overlooking it. The presiding officials —the incumbent governor of the Soochow region, Mao I-lu 毛 一 鷺 (cs 1604), and the Censorate’s resident regional inspector, Hsu Chi 徐 吉 (cs 1616), 一 arrived only to be surrounded by literati urging postponement, appealing for leniency, and charging that the arrest order had been falsified by Wei Chung-hsien. W hile such arguments went on both the massed townspeople and the imperial guardsmen, not understanding what was happening, became im patient and uneasy. Pushing and shoving started, and then a fu ll riot broke out. The presiding officials escaped the melee with little dignity, and two guardsmen were killed. Many other persons were hurt and lay in the yamen courtyard u ntil night, when rescue parties arrived. Crowds m illed about the city all day.<break>In late afternoon of the same day it ^happened that another detachment of im perial guardsmen docked in the canal outside the Soochow city wall en route to Chekiang province to arrest Huang Tsun-su. The Soochow mob assumed they were reinforcements and set upon them also, burning their boats and dumping their gear. The guardsmen—mostly northerners who could not swim—floundered across the river only to be chased anew by<break>farmers brandishing rakes and hoes. Most of this group finally turned up in Nanking, bedraggled, dispirited, and without any official documents.<break>On the night of the 14th troops from a local garrison occupied Soochow, and Chou Shun-ch’ang was taken to a secret place of detention. The local authorities finally decided not to reschedule the public promulgation ceremony, and Chou was quietly taken out of town on the night of Ap ril 21 or 22. He reached Peking on May 19 and、died in the palace prison after weeks of torture.<break>In consequence of the April 14 disorders, five Soochow commoners were executed as ringleaders of the mob: Yen P’ei-wei 顏佩韋，son of a wealthy merchant, Ma Chieh 馬_ ，Shen Yang 沈揚，a salesman, Yang Nien-ju 楊念如，a haberdasher, and the sedan-chair bearer Chou Wen-yiian 周文元• Five others were banished to frontier m ilitary service; three more survived sixty blows of the heavy bamboo；and the butcher Tai Yung 戴鏞 was arrested but died before sentencing. Also, five Soochow literati were stripped of their honorable status. Eventually, after Wei Chung-hsien’s fall from power, the citizens of Soochow reburied the five executed men in a memorial temple that had originally been built in the eunuch dictator’s honor by the governor, M ao I-lu; and it is said that in 1629 Wei Chung-hsien’s head was brought there and offered in sacrifice to the spirits of his victim s. It is also said that the ghosts of the five Soochow martyrs subsequently called on Mao I-lu, and he died suddenly without apparent cause; and that the ghost of Chou Shun-ch’ang once appeared in broad daylight to his former impeacher, Ni Wen-huan.<break>After the Soochow riot, Wei Chung-hsien and his advisers catne to the conclusion that stability in the rich Nanking-Soochow region, where taxes on grain supported the em pire’s northern m ilitary defenses, could not be fu rther endangered. Imperial guardsmen were not again sent<break>[277]<break>CHOU Yen-ju<break>southward to make arrests, and punishments of Tung-lin partisans continued only in isolated instances and in less severe forms. It would seem reasonable to give the Soochow rioters major credit for thus diminishing the tempo and vigor of Wei Chung-hsien's purge of his enemies.<break>Under the last Ming emperor Chou Shun-ch'ang was posthumously named chief minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and canonized Chung・chieh忠介. His collected writings were gathered and published by his descendants and friends under the title Chou Chung-chieh-kung chin-yu chi 公燼餘集，3 ch. They were copied into the Imperial Library and are preserved in the collectaneus Chieh-yueh shan-fang hui-cHao of Chang Hai-pJeng (ECCP) with an appendix in 1 chiian, containing a biography of Chou by Yin Hsien-ch'en 殷獻臣(d. 1645), and CKien-k”n cheng-cKi chi of P'an Hsi-en (ECCP, p. 347). His memorial criticizing Wei Chunghsien, entitled Chou Tuan-hsiao hsien-sheng hsueh-shu fieh &〃〃寿g周端孝先生 血疏貼黃,1 从・，was, as the title indicates, written in his own blood.
CHU Lu 朱鷺(original ming:家棟，T, 白孱，H.西空老人)，1553-1632, scholar and painter, was a native of Wu 吳-hsien in the prefecture of Soochow. The. son of an instructor in a local school, Chu Lu spent his early years studying under his father. He showed a talent in literary matters, particularly in poetry, and a keen interest in the history of the early years of the dynasty, especially the reign of Emperor Chu Yiin-wen & >・)• Little is known of his activities until about 1590 when he reportedly enrolled in the National University at Nanking and made an impression on the instructor, Feng Meng-chen 馮夢禎(T・開元，1546-1605, cs 1577). He took the prefectural examination at Nanking in 1594 but failed. In subsequent years he taught in a local school to support his aging parents; after their death, he forsook his teaching career and made no further attempts to acquire a degree. He became interested in the I-ching and in metaphysics, but later embraced Buddhism, particularly the teachings of Te-ch'ing and Chu-hung (qq. v.). During his leisure, he took delight in traveling. He supported himself by selling his paintings on bamboo<break>which he modeled with superb skill, after those of Wen Cheng-ming (q.v.), and by engraving seals for ready customers. Some of his works bear such names as I-nien ch*an 一念禪 and Ch^ng-fou-tzu 靑浮子， indicating his obsession with Buddhism.<break>Chu Lu devoted a great part of his life to the preparation of a historical work, later known as Chien-wen shu-fa ni 建文書法擬，to justify the restoration of the reign-title and the award of posthumous honors to Emperor Chu Yiin-wen. During the reign of Chu I-chiin (q. v.), many officials memorialized the throne making similar requests in conjunction with the preparation of an official history of the dynasty (see Ch'en Yu-pi). Chu insisted that justification was due the deposed emperor, as he came to the throne legitimately, and argued that Chu Ti (q. v.), who overthrew his nephew, had never intended to blot out his name and place in history. It was official historians, he maintained, who had tried to put Chu Ti's usurpation in a more favorable light by distorting the records of Chu Yiin-wen's reign and eliminating his title from the chronicles. Chu Lu maintained that such an action had done equal harm to Chu Ti, who could be charged with usurpation, and that the restoration of Chu Yiin-wen's place in the official records would afford a more objective appraisal of his role in history. He reportedly spent twenty-eight years over his project, but before he was able to present his magnum opus to the throne after its completion late in 1594, Emperor Chu I-chiin had already decreed the restoration of Chu Yiin-wen's reign title； it was not until June, 1644, however, that Emperor Chu Yu-sung (ECCP) conferred the posthumous honorifics. Having missed the opportunity to make his point, Chu Lu dropped his plan; it was this work nevertheless that preserved his name in history.<break>The Chien-wen shu-fa ni, 5 ch.—cKien-pien 前編，1 c%・，cheng 正-pien, 2 c瓦，fu ^-pien9 2 ch. — was revised in 1615 and engraved in 1621. It includes Chu Lu's<break>CHU Lu<break>[344]<break>own preface of 1604 in which he calls himself Tung-wu huang-shih shih 東吳荒 史氏,and another by Chiao Hung (ECCP) dated 1615. The prologue presents a collection of documents on the official views of the Chien-wen reign and a proposal for exonerating the dethroned emperor and members of his court; this is supplemented by an outline of principles (shu-fa 書法)for a new history of Chu Yiin-wen and brief chronology of events, as well as a list of the Chien-wen martyrs. The main body of the text features the annals of the Chiemwen reign, interspersed with Chu's critical notes on controversial episodes, often in refutation of the official version, biographical data, as well as arguments for the restoration of the honors of the Chien-wen emperor and his officials. The epilogue presents a selection of eulogies, poems, and essays by later writers on the dethroned emperor and his slain supporters; this is supplemented by Yung-hsu yii-t'an 擁絮迂談，a collection of notes by Chu Lu devoted to the historiographical problem of Chu Yun-wen and Chu Ti growing out of a discussion with his younger brother in the winter of 1594 The Chien-wen shu-fa ni lists over sixty titles of official and private pieces of literature on the subject, some of which are no longer extant; as such, it supplements the Chien-wen cKao-yeh hui-pien by T'u Shu-fang (q・ v.) as an important source for a study of the Chien-wen reign. It differs from the former, however in that it is not a mere compilation of historical records, but a critical appraisal of the period aimed at restoring the rightful place of Chu Yiin-wen in history. The Chien-wen shu-fa ni was proscribed in the Ch*ing dynasty but copies survive in major libraries； an abridged edition of i\iQ Yung-hsil yii-fan is included in the Shuo-fu hsii 証郛續，c,o〃寻，7.<break>Shortly after the enthronement of Emperor Chu Yu-chien (ECCP) in 1628, when there was an auspicious omen, Chu Lu made a trip to Peking, and is said to have presented to the emperor a laudatory<break>essay, together with a memorial on state affairs. During this time the capital was in danger of invasion by the Manchu forces, but Chu remained calm and reportedly whiled away his time by annotating the Chin-kang ching 金剛經(Diamond sutra). When the threat was over, Chu returned home; he then lived as a hermit on Mt. Hua 華 and adopted the title Hsi-k'ung西空.He died at the age of seventy-nine. Wen Chen-meng (q. ”•)，who com-possd his tomb-inscription, hailed Chu Lu and two of his friends, Chao Huan-kuang 趙宦光(T・凡夫,1559-1625) and Wang Tsai-kung 王在公(T・孟夙，d. 1627, cj 1594), as the most talented and virtuous men of Wu-hsien of their time.<break>Chu Lu had a son who did not survive him. His grandson, Chu Tan 旦，took part in the restoration movement after the fall of the dynasty. Late in 1645 he organized a force trying to recapture Soochow from the Manchus, but was killed by government troops in the abortive attempt.
HUANG Hsing-tseng 黃省曾(T.勉之，H. 五嶽山人)，1490-August 25 (•?)，1540, scholar, author, poet, publisher, and bibliophile, the best known of the Huang family o f belle-lettrists, was a native of Wu 吳-hsien (Soochow). This area, because of the productivity of its land and its flourishing commerce, was for centuries a center of afflIuence and literary activit y. During the 16th century it produced, besides the Huang brothers, such well-known families as those of Wen Cheng-ming, Huang-fu Fang, and Chang Feng-i (qq.v.). Huang Hsing-tseng and his elder brother Huang Lu 魯-tseng were cousins of the Huang-fu brothers.<break>The Huang family, originally from<break>Honan, settled in Yuan-chou 袁州，Kiang-si, at the beginning of the 12th century. Huang’s sixth-generation ancestor Huang Pin 斌(d. 1375), a muscular man skillful in the military arts, joined the rebel leader Hsii Shou-hui (《.v.) after Hsii’s forces seized Yiian-chou from government hands in April, 1352, and was appointed a mili-arch commander.<break>He stayed on in Hsii’s camp even after Psu’s the assassination by Ch’en Yu-liang (^.v.) in June, 1360, but surrendered to Chu Yiian-chang after Chu captured Chiang-chou 江卜州(Kiukiang) from Ch’en in September of the following year. Early in 1370, Chu Yuan-chang, now emperor, rewarded Huang Pin with the rank of battalion commander, and assigned him to Soochow, where he raised his family. During the last two years of his life (1 373-75)，，Huang Pin officiated in the transportation of grain along the coast from the Yangtze valley to Liaotung. After his death his two sons successively inherited the military rank, and continued in the same service intermittently for over thirty years from 1378 to 1410. Huang Pin’s second son had an heir who remained in the military service; he raised three sons, the youngest, Huang Wei 皞 (T .日昇，H _ 東樓，b. 1438) Huang Hsing-tseng^ grandfather, was the first in the family to pursue a civil career.<break>Having qualified for the chii-jen in 1477, Huang Wei achieved the chin-shih belatedly in 1490, at the age of fift!y-t wo. He then successively served as secretary in the ministry of Justice, and as director of a bureau in the ministry of Works. He became known as the author of a collection of notes on the history and folklore of the Soochow area. The original edition of this work, with a preface by Wang Ao 王繁(《.v.)，dated 1526?, is extremely rare; the publisher of at least two later editions erroneously attributed the authorship to Yang Hsiin-chi (《.v.), also a native of Soochow. A manuscript copy entitled P ’eng-hsiian Wu-chi 蓬軒吳記，2<break>HUANG Hsing-tseng<break>[662]<break>ch； with a supplement P ’eng-hsiian pieh 別-chi, 1 ch” is preserved in the former National Library of Peiping and is available in microfilm (no. 249). A collated edition entitled P ’eng-ch ’uang lei-kao 窗 類稿，5 ch .，with slight variations, was printed in 1915 in the collection Han-fen-lou pi-chi 涵芬i樓祖发(second series). Huang Wei’s son, Huang I 異 (H .葵蒂) though not a scholar, made handsome provision for his two sons, Huang Lu-tseng and Huang Hsing-tseng, for their acquisition of books.<break>Huang Lu-tseng ( T.得之，H .中南. March 25, 1487-August 10, 1561), was the second son of Huang I (his eldest having died early). Tall and impressive looking, Huang Lu-tseng graduated as chu-jen in 1516, but failed in the metropolitan examinations. He lived the rest of his life in Soochow and became the center of a small group of men of letters, including the Huang-fu cousins, Wang Ch’ung (分.v.) and his elder brother, and Chang Feng-i and his brothers. They were fondly referred to by their fellow townsmen as “two dragons of the Huang, two jades of the Wang, and four gems of the Huang-fu” (黃家二龍，王氏雙璧，皇甫四傑)• Huang Lu-tseng was known for his generosity and readiness to help those in need. He is reported to have written several works. Among those that are extant may be mentioned the tsan 贊(eulogies) to the Ku Lieh-nii chuan 古列女傳 attributed to Liu Hsiang (77-6 b. C.)，and to the Hsii 績 Lieh-nii chuan, a continuation of the previous work by the same author, and the Chung-Lii er-hsien 鍾呂二仙 chuan，biogra-phies of Chung IC’uei (^see Chou Ch’en) and Lu Tung-pin 洞賓，two famous legendary Taoist figures. He had a collection of poetry published under the title Nan-hua ho-pi chi 南華合璧集，5 ch., including a selection of the poems of Wang Ch’ung; it receives a notice in the Imperial Catalogue but it is not known to have survived.<break>Huang Lu-tseng had a son named Huang Ho-shui河水(original ming Te-shui<break>德水，T .淸父)，who distinguished himself as a poet. He was the author of several collections of travelogues and poetry, and the co-editor of an anthology of T’ang poems entitled T ’ang-shih chi 唐詩紀， 170 ch., with a table of contents in 34 chiian printed by his collaborator Wu Kuan 吳琯 (cs 1571) in 1585，which is still extant.<break>Huang Hsing-tseng, the youngest son of Huang Wei, was generally acknowledged as superior to his brother in learning and literary achievement. Even as a young man without an official title, Huang attracted the attention of such distinguished individuals as Wang Ao, Li Meng-yang, Wang Shou-jen, and Huo T’ao，(qq)・). After repeated failure in the examinations, he became obsessed with an urge to travel, and adopted the sobriquet Wu-yueh-shan-jen 五嶽山人(recluse of the five sacred mountains). Late in 1517 he received an invitation from the minister of War at Nanking, Ch’iao Yii 喬宇(T .希 大 H .白巖，1457- 1524, cs 1484, minister from 1515 to August, 1521, Pttth .莊簡)，to come to the southern capital. Ch’iao entrusted him with the compilation of accounts of travelogues of that area, which he successfully completed in due course. Unfortunatiel y, these accounts are not noticed in any catalogue. It was also during this time that he produced his famous work of historical geography, the Hsi-yang ch ’ao-kung tien-lu 西洋朝貢典錄(preface July, 1520).<break>Already in 1521, Huang, impressed by the teaching of Wang Shou-jen, had begun corresponding with this famous philosopher. Two years later, upon learning that Wang had returned to Chekiang, Huang proceeded to Shao-hsing to become one of his students. He compiled an account of Wang’s conversation with his disciples, excerpts of which are preserved in the final section of the Ch’uan-hsi lu edited by Ch’ien Te-hung (《.v.). Huang’s record, however, was later criticized by Huang Tsung-hsi (ECCP) as distorting the meaning of the master. When Wang Shou-jen was recalled from retirement to suppress<break>[663]<break>HUANG Hsing-tseng<break>the rebellion in Kwangsi in 1527, Huang continued his study under Wang's senior disciple Chan Jo-shui (q.v.), then chancellor of the National University at Nanking (1526-28). He took note of the differences between Wang and Chan, but contended that they differed only in emphasis and not in principle. By this time Huang's fame was such that, when Li Meng-yang, who had earlier discussed the art of poetry with him, was recuperating from illness at Ching・k'ou 京口 in the summer of 1529, he entrusted Huang with publishing his collected works; Huang complied and contributed a preface. After a brief sojourn in Nanking until 1530, Huang returned to Soochow; a year later, at the age of forty-one, he finally became a chu-jen. at the top of the list.<break>Huang did not, however, pursue an official career. In subsequent years, except for occasional travel, which included visits to Ch'ang-an and Peking, he spent most of his time in Soochow, devoting himself to writing, collecting, and publishing. In 1537 he enrolled in the National University at Nanking, but stayed there very briefly. During this year, he took a trip to West Lake in Hangchow, where he encountered another distinguished man of letters, T'ien Ju-ch'eng (q.v.). They traveled together and exchanged poems, producing a corpus of poetry known as Hsi-hu yu-yung 湖西遊詠.This collection, with prefaces by both Huang and T'ien dated 1538, is available in several collectanea. In November, 1539, his mother nee Wang 王 died; overcome with grief he contracted an illness which became very serious. By July of the following year, worrying that he might not recuperate, he started writing his autobiography. Huang succumbed a month later, aged fifty, apparently of lung disease; before the end, he composed his own eulogy, which, together with his autobiography, is preserved in his collected works. He married twice but both wives died before him; the first bore him a son, Huang Chi-shui 姬水, who was also accomplished in letters and<break>scholarship.<break>Huang Hsing-tseng is reported to have been as impressive looking as his brother and quite conversant with the official speech, but he lived a rather carefree and unconventional life. Supported by the family estate and unhindered by official duties, he took delight in composing poetry and in pursuing antiquarian interests—a typical example of the “pure” literary man of his time (see Chu Yiln-ming). He enjoyed the association and friendship of many leading scholar-officials and intellectuals, and benefited from their patronage and guidance； these associations he recounts vividly in his autobiography； yet, both in life and writing style, he remained individualistic. In philosophy, though' he was a member of the Wang Yang-ming school, he did not distinguish himself； except for casual remarks indicating his skepticism about certain popular beliefs, such as fate and the efficacy of geomancy, he seldom discussed philosophy in abstract terms. In literature, particularly in poetry, despite his affiliation with Li Meng-yang, he did not follow his style. The breadth of his scholarship, marked by the copiousness and diversity of his writings, exceeded that of many of his contemporaries.<break>Huang Hsing-tseng wrote on subjects ranging from emendations of, and annotations, to, classical literature and miscellanies on history and geography, to treatises on plants and animals. His collected works of prose and poetry, entitled Wu-yueh-shan-jen chi 集，38 c〃・，were printed by his family shortly before his death. A selection of his poems, brought out with those of his son, collectively known as Er-Huang 二黃 chi, is included in Sheng Ming pai-chia shih (cKien-chi)盛明百家詩 (前銀)，edited by Yii Hsien (see Feng Wei-min). Most of his other writings survive either as independent works or as chapters in various collectanea. His supplements to classical literature include the “eulogies" to the Lieh-hsien chuan 列仙傳 ascribed to Liu Hsiang, the Kao-shih 高士 chuan by Huang-fu Mi (215-82), and the<break>HUANG Hsing-tseng<break>[664]<break>Hsii hsien chuan by Shen Pan (of the Nan-T’ang, 923-36 )； and annotation of the Shen-chien 申鑒 by Hsiin Yiieh (148-209) with preface of 1519, considered the most detailed and authoritative of its kind. His notes on the Odes and on the principles of poetry are available in several ts ’ung-shu. His miscellanies on history and geography include： Wu-feng lu 吳風錄， a collection of jottings on the Soochow area, and the above-mentioned Hsi-yang ch 'ao-kung tien-lu，which is probably his best known work. It is a record of the vassal states in central and southeast Asia that dispatched tributary missions to the Ming court from the beginning of the dynasty down to his time, based on the works of Ma Huan, Fei Hsin {qq. v.) and others, but with important emendations and corrections. This work is a valuable supplement to the earlier accounts of the Chinese maritime expeditions to the South Seas, and has been critically examined by J. J. L. Duyvendak, Paul Pel-liot, and others. First circulated in manuscript, it was initially printed by Chang Hai-p’eng (ECCP), who collated the surviving fragments in his Chieh-yueh shan-fang hui-ch ’ao in 1808. His writings on plants, animals, and related topics encompass the following： Tao-p 'in 稻品，on rice growing； 蠶經，on the silkworm; Yii 魚-ching，on fish； I-chii 藝菊，on chrys-anthemums； Yii 字-ching, on taros； Shou 獸 -ching, on animals； and others. The first four were printed together under the title QHsin-k’o) Nung-p 'u ssu-chung (新刻) 農圃四種 in 1603. These are all available in a number of Ming collectanea, such as I-men kuang-tu 夷門廣牘，Pai-ling hsiieh-shan 百陵學山，Kuang Pai-cKuan hsiieh-hai 廣百川學海，and Ko-chih 格致 ts ’ung-shu.<break>Huang Hsing-tseng was also noted as a publisher. He supervised the engraving of a score of important works, ranging from classical literature and Buddhist and Taoist treatises, to miscellanies on philosophy, history, and geography； some of these also contained his own commentaries. In 1525 he printed the Hsi Chung-san<break>chi 嵇中散集，10 ch., being the collected works of the famous poet-musician Hsi K’ang (223-62). It bears the name of Huang’s studio, Nan-hsing ching-she 南星 精舍，and was later reproduced in the Ssu-pu ts ’ung-k’an series. In 1534 he engraved another important book, the Shui-ching chu 水經注 of Li Tao-yuan (d. 527) which, though criticized by later commentators for its faults, was one of the important Ming editions. The Wu-yileh shan-jen chi contains a number of prefaces and colophons to works of different kinds, indicating the books which Huang had printed. Some of these works bear the studio names of Fou-yii shan-fang 浮玉山 房 and Wen-shih-t’ang 文始堂.<break>Huang Hsing-tseng^ son Huang Chi-shui (T.淳父,H.質山，1509-June, 1574) also distinguished himself in literature and scholarship. In his early years, at the instance of his father, whose handwriting was poor, he received instruction from the famous calligrapher Chu Yiin-ming, and became superior in this art. He entered the prefectural school at the age of thirteen, but, like his father, Huang Chi-shui, suffered setbacks in the civil examinations. He delighted in literary pursuits, and spent large sums for the acquisition of books, paintings, and antique objects. His indulgence in these activities eventually sapped the. family wealth, and he ceased to be a man of means toward his later years. By virtue of his literary achievement and secure in his family name, he became a well-known figure among his contemporaries. Early in 1555，when Soochow was threatened by the raids of the wo-k’ou， he accepted the invitation of Nieh Pao (分. v.)，lately retired as minister of War to live with him in his native village, Yung-chi 永吉，Kiangsi. While he and his family were stopping over at Nanking on the way, his friend Ho Liang-chiin (《.v .)， who also sought shelter from the pirates, persuaded him to stay in the southern capital instead. Huang then made his temporary home in Nanking for the next<break>HUANG Huai<break>[665]<break>six years. During this period he composed numerous poems, many of them his prized pieces. He returned to Soochow in 1561, where he died thirteen years later. Huang Chi-shui was the author of several collections of writings, most of which were printed by his son Huang Chia-fang 嘉芳, after his death. One of the earliest, known as Pai-hsia 白下 chi (Pai-hsia being an ancient name of Nanking), 11 ch” contains many poems composed during his sojourn there. Another one entitled Kao-su-chai 高素齋 chi， 29 ch., includes some of his later writings. Finally there is the Huang Ch’un-fu hsien-sheng ch ’iian-chi 淳父先生全集，24 ch., which supplements the aforesaid collections. Copies of these works, though still extant, are quite rare. A selection of Huang Chi-shui^ poems, entitled Huang Chih-shan 質山 chi is printed together with those of his father in Sheng Ming pai-chia shih. Huang Chi-shui was also the author of P^in-shih chuan 貧士傳，2 ch., being a compendium of biographical sketches of scholars of the past who became poverty stricken. This appears to have been a work of his late years, an edition of which was included in 1922 in the Pao-yen-fang pi-chi (cheng-chih (正集)by ' Ch’en Chi-ju (ECCP). Like his father, Huang Chi-shui also published books. One of his best-known works is a facsimile reproduction of a Sung edition of the Ch ’ien-Han chi 前漢紀，30 ch., by Hsun Yiieh. This work was later reproduced in the Ssu-pu ts ’ung k ’an series. A specimen of his calligraphy is preserved in the Palace Museum, Taipei.
LI Shih-ta李士達(H仰槐，仰懷，邵甫，通 甫)，fl. 1580-1620, an artist noted for landscapes and figure compositions, was a native of Wu 吳-hsien (Soochow). Little is known of Li. The assertion is sometimes made that he attained the chin-shih, but this confuses him with a man of the same name, a native of Sian (cs 1574). He is described as being a proud man, full of self-esteem. He once narrowly escaped difficulties when he refused to kneel in the presence of Sun Lung (see Chii Chieh), merely making a deep bow and then departing. He went into hiding and constables sent to arrest him could not find / him. It is said that the<break>wealthy and powerful who sought Li's paintings were unable to obtain them at any price. He was active as an artist when he was seventy-three years of age, but he may not have begun painting until -somewhat late in life since the earliest<break>date on any of his paintings corresponds to 1601.<break>Li's artistic abilities were quite varied. Among his works are paintings in which the landscape and the figures are stylistically akin to the styles current in the late 16th and early 17th centuries, such as a fan showing a bustling ferryboat landing, dated 1612, or another fan painting, “ChY-lii hsiin-mei th” 騎驢蠢梅圖 (On donkeyback seeking plum-blossoms), dated 1619, depicting a traveler in a wintry landscape. He was equally attracted to the art of the past and selected models from all eras. Through exaggeration and emphasis of salient features, he adeptly exploited and reworked antique styles and compositions. The bright blue and green mineral pigments seen in the landscape background of a fan painting depicting the pastimes of scholars, now in the Hashimoto collection, is based on a technique which, according to tradition, originated in the T'ang dynasty. A painting in the Seikado collection in Tokyo, entitled “Shan・t'ing fiao-wang 山亭眺望 tt” (Gazing from a mountain pavilion), dated 1618, is a daring and striking revision of the Southern Sung uone-corner-ed” composition. The open vistas and the large, gnarled pine trees in the immediate foreground of “Tso-t'ing sung feng 坐聽 松風 t'u” (Listening to the wind in the pines), dated 1616, in the National Palace Museum, derive from the horizontal tripartite compositional divisions familiar in Yuan dynasty landscape paintings. Yet another, “Chu・li ch^an-sheng 竹裡泉聲 t'u" (Listening to the sounds of a spring in a bamboo grove), shows the influence of the artist Hsieh Shih-ch'en (q. l).<break>As themes for his figure compositions, Li Shih-ta portrayed not only the diversions of the literati, but also specific famous ones among them, as in the hanging scroll now in the University of Michigan Museum of Art, “T'ao Ch'ien shang-chu 陶潛賞菊 tb”(rao CNien [365-427] admiring chrysanthemums), dated 1619, or the handscroll MHsi-yiian ya-chi 西園雅集<break>[869]<break>LI Tai<break>t'u” (The elegant gathering in the western garden). The latter is a delightfully inventive depiction of the sixteen Northern Sung luminaries, including Su Shih (1037-1101), Huang ring-chien (1045-1105), Mi Fu (1051-1107), and Li Kung-lin (1049-1106), with their attendants, in a setting of arching pines, curved-leafed palms, and mammoth rounded boulders. The figures of the gentlemen are exaggeratedly rotund and paunchy, repeating the massive shapes of the boulders behind them, while the extraordinarily slim servants and ladies echo the slender verticals of the tree trunks and bamboo stalks.<break>With one exception all the known and recorded paintings by Li are either landscapes or figure paintings; thus, a hanging scroll “Jui-lien 瑞蓮 t'u” (Auspicious lotus), dated 1606, in the National Palace Museum, is his only flower painting and is the only one by him executed in a free fashion, employing flowing strokes and pools of ink and green color. Li lived in retirement at Hsin-kuo 新郭(probably a peninsula in the northern part of Shih-hu 石湖 near Soochow) and at the age of eighty years still enjoyed night-long carousing; at that advanced age "the pupils of his eyes were bright, his wrists supple, and his body like an immortal's.” He wrote a treatise on painting of which only a summary (?), as noted by Chiang Shao-shu 姜紹善，has survived： “Landscape has five excellences—vigor 蒼，spontaneity 逸， creativity 奇，completeness 圓， and harmony 韻；landscape has five faults— timidity 嫩，stiffness 板，laboriousness 刻, incompleteness 生，and confusion 癡."<break>Li Shih-ta had at least one pupil, a certain Shen Chen 沈軫(T・文林〉In addition, some of the paintings executed by Sheng Mao-yeh (g. v.) reveal the influence of Li Shih-ta.
"TU M,u都穆(T.玄敬，H .虎邱山人，南濠 居士)，1459-OcItober 8，1525， author and art critic of Wu 吳-hsien (Soochow). His father Tu Ang 卬 (T.維明，H .豫軒，1426 -1508) was the author of San-yii chui-pi 三餘食筆，which was copied into the Ssu-k，u ch’uan-shu. The appendix of this book includes a birthday essay (壽序) written by Wang Shou-jen (分.v.) in 1505，which runs in part as follows: “I visited Soochow in the winter of 1503 where I met my fellow chin-shih, Tu Mu, who accompanied<break>[1323]<break>me on a visit to Hsiian-mu shan 玄墓山, T'ien-p'ing 天平 shan, and Hu-ch'iu 虎丘R (Tigers，Mount), then all snow covered. I had a pleasant time w辻h him for fifteen days and found that he is really a well informed scholar. Upon our return I had the honor of meeting his father, Tu Ang, who is eighty sui this year. Tu Mu is now a secretary in the ministry of Works. As the emperor (Chu Yu-fang,. q.v.) has granted special favors to all officials this year, Tu Ang received the same title as his son」' Tu Mu was appointed a secretary in the ministry of Works; later came promotion to director of a bureau in the ministry of Rites. When he retired in 1512, he was granted the title of vice minister of the Court of the Imperial Stud.<break>Besides intensive study of books on a variety of subjects, Tu Mu was fond of traveling, and investigated whatever interested him on his journey. When sent on an official mission, he would visit the scenic spots and search for historical relics. He delighted in collecting rubbings of stone and metal inscriptions. In 1513, following an official tour to Ninghsia, he wrote an account of the trip called Hsi-shih chi 西使記,1 ""• (or Shih-hsi jih-chi 使西日記， as listed in the Ssu-k'u catalogue). The full account of his study of rubbings was published as Chin-hsieh lin-lang 金薙琳瑯，20 ch. It was written in imitation of, and as a supplement to, Li shih 隸釋 by Hung K'ua (1117-84). This may be considered his magnum opus.<break>In spite of a fairly successful official life, Tu Mu was not well off. Oftentimes when his family was short of food, he would simply smile and remark: “The world would not let Tu Mu die of hunger.” One incident may have discredited Tu Mu. He and T'ang Yin (g.v.) were friends of long standing. When Tang was unfortunately involved in a bribery case, someone reported that it was Tu who had spread the story. For this reason T'ang made up his mind never to meet Tu again. Tu Mu was filled with regret that he had been responsible and remained remorseful to" "TU Mu the end of his life.<break>It is said that Tu Mu wrote in all twenty books; his literary style, however, as remarked both by Ch^en Ch5ien-i (ECCP) and the Ssu-k'u editors, was rather commonplace. The Ssu-k'u catalogue lists seven publications. Others that are extant today are: Nan-hao-chu-shih we〃-p〃 南濠居士支跋，4 c%., Nan-hao shih-hua 詩話,1 c,., Yu ming-shan chi 遊 名山記，4 ch., and Yu-hu ping 玉壺氷，1 ch. In regard to T'iefi-wang shan-hu 鐵網珊 瑚，20 c/., the Ssu-k'u editors comment that the book is an admixture of Yu-i pien 寓意編，1 ch., and some materials from other works. Lu Wen・ch'ao (ECCP), who wrote the preface to Chin-hsieh lin-lang in 1776, concurred in this opinion. In this connection a book bearing a similar title, Shan-hu mu-nan, compiled by Chu Ts'un-li (q.v・)，is sometime confused with the above. As to Yu-i pie〃，it was written in imitation of Shu-hua shih by Mi Fu (1051-1107) and has been reprinted several times. Tu also left a collection of anecdotes entitled T'an-tsuan 談纂,2 ch., later edited by Lu Ts5ai 陸釆(T.子玄 H.天池 山人,14§7-1537), his son-in-law. Lu Ts'ai made a name for himself by writing a drama called Ming-chu chi 明珠記 at the age of nineteen sui. T'an-tsuan came to be known as Tu-kung 都公 fan-tsuan; it has been reprinted in the Ts'ung-shu chi-ch'eng. In addition Tu left a list of persons ennobled in 1402, entitled Jen-wu kung-cWen chiieh-shang lu 壬午功臣爵賞錄 (with a supplement, pieh-lu 別錄)，of which a Ming edition is available on microfilm." 
WEN Chen-meng 文震孟(original ming 從 鼎，T .文起，H .湛持)，1574-July 5, 1636, scholar-official, was born into a celebrated literary family of Wu 吳-hsien (Soochow). The Wen clan traced its ancestry back to the Han dynasty, while one of Wen Chen-meng’s direct forebears, Wen T’ien-hsiang (1236-January 3，1283)， was the last prime minister of the Southern Sung, finally executed for his continued intransigence towards the Mongols. His great-great-grandfather, Wen Cheng-ming {q.v.), grandfather, Wen P’eng， and his granduncle, Wen Po-jen (for both see Wen Cheng-ming), were all well-known<break>WEN Chen-meng<break>[1468]<break>Ming artists. At the age of seventeen he obtained the chu-jen in Soochow, specializing in the CWun-cWiu. In spite of his family background, Wen was not successful in the metropolitan examination until his tenth attempt. Then at forty-eight (1622) he placed first in the palace examination and was appointed a compiler in the Hanlin Academy. Not long after assuming this position, he submitted a memorial sharply critical of Wei Chung-hsien (ECCP) and vigorously defending Tsou Yiian-piao and Feng Ts'ung-wu (,q.v.). Both of these men had been senior censors and were foremost leaders of the Tung-lin movement (see Ku Hsien-ch'eng). Their enemies had impeached them for having established an academy, Shou-shan shu-yuan, in Peking (see Tsou Yiian-piao), not unlike the Tung-lin. Tsou and Feng were forced to retire. Wen compared the persecution of these men to the harassment of the philosopher Chu Hsi (1130-1200) by Han TP-chou (d. 1207). Infuriated, Wei Chung-hsien secured from the emperor an order to have Wen Chen-meng beaten eighty blows in court. Such a punishment would have been terminal and was vigorously opposed by the grand secretary, Han K'uang (q.v.), and numerous other officials. In the end Wen was merely demoted; he returned home without accepting an inferior position. In retrospect this may have been a blessing in disguise, for in 1624, the year Yang Lien (ECCP) impeached Wei Chung-hsien, Wen was not in office and thus escaped the sanguinary penalties dealt out to many of the Tung-lin sympathizers.<break>In the winter of 1626 a fellow townsman of Wen, Sun Wen-chai 孫文象 wrote a poem grieving for the heroic general, Hsiung T'ing-pi (ECCP). Since Hsiung had been a victim of Wei Chung-hsien^ acts of terrorism and had been executed, Sun's poem was viewed as treasonous and he was subsequently seized by the warden's office. It later transpired that Wen and other Tung-lin sympathizers, Ch'en Jen-hsi (q.v.) and Cheng Man (ECCP), were also<break>involved in this case. Men K'o-hsin 門克 新(cs 1619), a censor and partisan^ of Wei Chung-hsien, promptly impeached them, with the result that their names were all erased from the rolls.<break>The situation changed markedly in the autumn and winter of 1627 with the death of Chu Yu-chiao (ECCP) and the subsequent departure and suicide of Wei Chung-hsien. Within the next few months a committee of high officials was ordered to investigate and determine the degree of culpability of those who had cooperated with the eunuch; numerous Tung-lin partisans too were recalled to service, Wen Chen-meng among them. In the spring of 1629 a list was submitted called “the roster of traitors”(逆案).Although Wang Yung-kuang (see Wen T'i-jen), then minister of Personnel, was certainly one of the eunuch's henchmen, the emperor did hot cashier him. Wen vigorously memorialized against Wang. In defense Wang suggested to the emperor that Wen had personal and partisan motives for this impeachment, which may well have been true. The emperor, desirous of preventing one clique from ever dominating the government again, retained Wang and dropped the matter.<break>As senior director of instruction, Wen daily lectured the young ruler on the Classics and their application to contemporary government. His humorless approach to this duty is touched on in his official biography. One day during the lectures, the emperor was leisurely sitting with his foot up resting on one knee. When Wen, in reading the Shu ching came to the passage, “The ruler of men： how can he be but respectful," he looked over at the emperor's foot. The latter promptly put his sleeve over it and slowly put his foot down.<break>After a short time in office, Wen, coming into conflict with powerful anti-Tung-lin ministers, retired to his home rather than take a lower appointment. In 1632, however, he returned as a junior supervisor of instruction. Two years<break>[1469]<break>WEN Chen-meng<break>later the emperor ordered his ministers to recommend an eminent scholar to lecture on the Spring and Autumn Annals, which he thought would be an aid in pacifying rebellions. Traditionally, this work had not been included in the list of Classics discussed before the emperor because of the numerous incidents of improper relationships, i. e., inferiors killing superiors. Wen Chen-meng was renowned for his knowledge of this Classic, having specialized in it at an early age. But Wen T'i-jen, an opponent of the Tung-lin group and the chief grand secretary, did not suggest his name. Ch'ien Shih-sheng (q.v.), who had recently (October, 1633) become a grand secretary, however, was favorably disposed towards Tung-lin partisans and recommended Wen Chen-meng. Wen T'i-jen could not but concur in the nomination. In February, 1635, when the rebels were ravaging the imperial tombs at Feng-yang (see Chang Hsien-chung, ECCP), Werf submitted a memorial suggesting various administrative reforms. He was especially critical of the triennial evaluations of the ministry of Personnel and of the favoritism and partisanship evident in the promotion of officials. The grand secretaries, Wen T'i-jen and Wang Ying-hsiung王應熊(T.非熊，H.春石，cs 1613), however, effectively thwarted any constructive changes. In July of the same year the emperor determined to increase the number of grand secretaries. Although Wen Chen-meng, pleading illness, asked not to be considered, he was appointed in August to be vice minister of Rites and concurrent grand secretary. Within three months he came into sharp conflict with Wen Ti-jen over the naming of a new chief minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. Both Ho Wu-tsou何吾疆(T.龍 友，H.家岡，cs 1619) and Wen Chen-meng, as the two most pro-Tung-lin grand secretaries, recommended a like-minded official, Hsii Yu-ch^ng 許譽卿(T.衷實，霞 城，H.公實,cs 1616). Wen Pi-jen, naturally opposed to Hsii, persuaded his henchman, the minister of Personnel, Hsieh<break>Sheng (ECCP), to impeach him. When Wen and Ho attempted to defend Hsii and others who were included in the impeachment, the emperor rebuked them for “favoritism and causing confusion.n Ho Wu-tsou was dismissed and Wen Chen-meng, dropping his commission, retired (December 15, 1635).<break>A few months later, his nephew and close companion from childhood, Yao Hsi-meng (see Ch'ien Shih-sheng), who had himself been forced into retirement shortly before Wen, expired. Wen, grief stricken, followed his beloved nephew not long afterwards. This was in the summer of 1636. In almost all of the conflicts recorded in the Ming-shih in which Wen became involved, Yao played some collateral or tangential role. Indeed, it would seem that of the two Yao was by far the more vigorous Tung-lin partisan. According to Chu I-tsun (ECCP), in his Ching-chih-chu shih-hua. Wen was the most outspoken of the fifty grand secretaries of the Ch'ung-chen period.<break>In 1639 and 1642, as posthumous awards, Wen's former office was restored to him and then he was named minister of Rites. During the reign of Chu Yu-sung (ECCP), he was canonized Wen-su 文肅. Wen had a younger brother of some note, Wen Chen-heng 亨 and two sons, Wen Ping 秉 and Wen Ch'eng 乘(T.應符)；the last died defending the dynasty against the Man-chus. The younger brother, Wen Chen-heng (T.啓美，H.木雞生，Pth.節愍，1585-1645), a tribute scholar in the National University during the T'iev-ch'i era, served for a time in the last years of the Ming as a drafter in the central drafting office of the Wu-ying hall 武英殿.He is better known, however, as a talented lute player, calligrapher, landscapist, and author of the Ch'ang w〃 chih 長物志，12 c/., which— unlike his brother's best-known works— was included in the Ssu-k'u cKuan-shu. It is noteworthy for its study of everyday life in his own time. The twelve chuan are divided as follows： 1) the house, 2) flowers and trees, 3) water and rocks, 4)<break>WEN Chen-meng<break>[1470]<break>birds and fishes, 5) painting and calligraphy, 6) tables and coiaches, 7) miscel-lanous (including household utensils, combs, stationery, lutes), 8) costumes and bedding, 9) boats and wheeled vehicles, 10) arrangement of household objects, 11) fruits and vegetables, and 12) incense and tea. The Wu-hsien chih records also a number of other pieces by Wen, among them the Wen-sheng hsiao-ts’ao 文生小草 1 ch.; this was listed for destruction in the 18th century, but Sun Tien-ch’i reports the existence of an old manuscript copy. Wen may also be tbe author of the vivid account of the uprising at Soochow in the spring of 1626，entitled K ’ai-tu ch，uan-hsin {see Chou Shun-ch^ng), translated by Charles O. Hucker. Wen refused to live under the Manchu rule and starved himself to death at the age of sixty.<break>Wen Ping (T.蓀符，H .大若，1609-69)，the elder son, hid in the mountains at the collapse of the Ming. When captured and urged to enter official life, he refused, remarking： “I dare not disgrace my father.” Eventually he committed suicide, his wife, nee Chou 周，following him in death. Wen Ping left several books of some significance for understanding events of his day. There is the Lieh Huang hsiao-shih 烈皇小識，6 ch., which Ch’en Shou-yi 陳受頤 has called “Brief notes on Emperor Ch,ung-Cheng,,>and from which he has culled several passages dealing with the sectarian rivalry at the court at the end of the Ming. A second, entitled Hsien-po chih shih 先撥志始，2 ch., records events of the years 1573-1624 and 1625-29, stressing the “three cases” {see Kao P’an-lung) which plagued the dynasty near its end, and the misdeeds of the eunuch Wei Chung-hsien. To the printed copy of the K’ang-hsi period has been added, in manuscript, notes on the last emperor’s attempt to quell the rebellions of his time (19 pages), the Tung-lin lieh-chuan (11 pp.) by Ch’en Ting {see Tao-chi), and an account of the building of a temple by Wei Chung-hsien (2 pp.). (This rare copy is in the National Library of Peiping.) The Ssu-k’u<break>editors describe the book but did not include it in 丨the Imperial Library, as the title was put on the proscribed list. A third work is his account of the years of the Manchu take-over, Chia-i shih-an 甲乙 事案，2 ch.; it commences with the 4th lunar month of 1644 and ends with the 12th lunar month of the following year (actually January 17-February 15，1646). This too was proscribed. Finally there is Wen’s book on the internal history of the Wan-li years, Ting-ling chu-lueh 定陵注略， 10 ch” in which the factional strife is clearly described; it was written after the collapse of the Ming. This is known only in manuscript, on microfilm, or in photocopy.<break>A number of Wen Chen-meng’s literary contributions have survived. His Ku Su ming-hsien hsiao-chi 姑蘇名賢/小記(Notgs on famous personages of old Soochow), 2 ch., and (JSfien yang hsii kung) ting shu chi (念陽徐公)定蜀記(Notes on Szechwan), 1 ch., have been made widely available through various collectanea; so also two short Taoist works which he edited： Tao-te-ching p ’ing-chu 道德經評注 and Lao-tzu hui-han 老子囊函. Wen left as well a draft collection of poetry entitled Yao-p'u 藥 圃 (A garden of herbs) and the• Ts'e-hsuehyuanc/?/ 策學圓機，wKiefi was proscribed in the following century, and seems no longer extant. Chu I-tsun remarks that Wen’s poetry was “level and elegant.. .intricate yet clear and perspicuous.” ^
CHOU Ch，en 周 臣 (T .舜卿，H .東邨)，ca. 1450-ca. 1535, a painter of landscapes and figures, was a native of Wu 吳，prefecture of Soochow. For many years he studied with Ch’en Hsien 陳暹(T .季眧，H.雲樵)， a skilled artist from the same region, and learned the techniques of his predecessors in the Sung dynasty. Because of his fondness fo r kung-pi-hua 工筆畫(fine, delicate drawings), and his interest in portraying the unglamorous life of the peasant or some folk heroes, he was never considered a member of the Wu school noted for it s litIerati painti ng. On the contrary, he was regarded as a prominent representative of the academy style of previous dynasties.<break>Chou is best remembered for his refined and well executed drawings and his subtle use of rich ink and colors. His “ ' Ch’ang-chiang wan-Ili” ' 長江|萬I里 (Ten thousand li of the Yangtze), dated October 11, 1535, about one and a ha1lf feet high and seventy feet long, was an ambitious undertaking. It consists of several sections, each dealing with a particular stretch of local scenery. To every one he applied the techniques of one or another of his predecessors. It is more an exhibition of Chou’s consummate skill<break>and his well balanced academic ecIlecti-cism than of his originalit y. His “ ' Sung-ch’iian shih-ssu” '核泉|詩思(Poetic thoughts inspired by pines and a spring), in color, dated September 22, 1534, in the National Palace Museum, Taipei, an im itation of a work by Tai Chin (q.v.)，and his “ ' Pei-ming”'北漕溟 (The North Sea), in color, undated, in the Kuwana collection, may be included in this category.<break>Chou took speciial deIlight xn his portrayal of everyday life, especiaIlly the joys and sorrows of the peasnts and the sad state in which the oppressed lived. What was more—he expressed it with eloquence and force. A m ajority of his best works are in this genre. In “ c T’ien-chia” '田家(A farm ing village), in light color, undated, in the Motoyama collection, Chou depicts a scene of two furious fighting cocks. The villa3gers, young and old, have all turned out to watch. The excitement and tension aroused are reflected vivid ly and unm istakably on the faces of the onlookers. In the words of Osvald Siren, the painting “is all described in detail with unadu1lter-ated realism and a faculty for characterization not devoid of humor.” ' In “Liu-chuang feng-yii”'柳莊晟風月雨(The willIow village in wind and rain), in light color, undated, Chou portr ays two men, clad in raincloaks, heading hurriedly home as a sudden squall sweeps over the rice fields. It is fu ll of life and country flavor. His most original and expressive composition is, however, the “ ' Liu-min” ' 流A民 (The vagrants), dated August, 1516, in ink and color, an album of twenty-fou r figures—^ ha1lf of it in the Cleveland Museum of Art and ha1lf in the Honolulu Academy of Arts. It is a work of social protest in which the harshest, meanest aspects of lif E e are depicted through the representation of a group of beggars, mendicant monks, conjurers, and trickst ers—charac-ters whom the artist oftIen saw in the streets and market place. Because Chou was a keen and sympathetic observer of this gloomy side of humanity, and because he was a cultivat ed artist, he was able to<break>[263]<break>CHOU Chia-mu<break>portray his subjects with stark realism. Ever since Cheng Hsia (d. 1119) voiced his political criticism (in April, 1074) through a painting having the same title “Liu-min,” few Chinese artists have ventured to paint meanness and hopelessness of the human condition. The reappearance of such a lowly, undignified theme in Chou's works against the dominant trend of his time is both refreshing and worthy of remark.<break>Another aspect of Chou's art is the representation of popular figures who appear in folk stories. One example is his “Nan-shan ch'ii・pa"南山驅魁(Subduing the demons at Southern Hill), in ink, undated, included in I-yilan i-chen 藝苑遺 珍.It is not an original idea. The hero, Chung Ktei 鍾尷，a legendary being believed to be capable of exorcizing demons, had previously been portrayed by no less than Wu Tao-hsuan (d. 792) and. Chou Wen-chu (d. 975). With his gift for characterization, however, Chou Ch'en managed to break new ground in a centuries-old theme. The painting depicts Chung K'uei passing by Nan-shan on an ox, with his sister following behind on a horse. A number of demons, all with different expressions on their faces, some pulling, some pushing, and others carrying banners, etc., escort the two. The effect of their gaiety and humor is hilarious.<break>Chou is also credited with several paintings on album leaves. Nearly all of them are landscapes done in the conventional manner. Like many professional painters of his time, Chou also lectured on his art. Two of his pupils, T'ang Yin and Ch'iu Ying (qq.v.), later achieved lasting fame. It is said that after T'ang Yin became famous, he sometimes was too lazy to paint the scrolls that were requested of him, and had Chou Ch'en execute them instead.
CHOU Chih 周砥(T.履道，H. 東皐，菊溜 生)，died ca. 1367，a native o>ff Wu 吳-<break>CHOU Chih<break>[266 ]<break>hsien (Soochow), lived as a youth in nearby Wu-hsi 無錫. He is known as 铁 poet, a scholar, a painter, and a calligrapher. He probably held a m inor position in the Yiian government and later served in a literary capacity in the government of Chang Shih-ch’eng (《.v.) in Soochow.<break>The best recorded event of his life is his association with another poet, Ma Chih馬治(T .李常，H .元素)• In 1354 and 1355, when Soochow and Wu-hsi were being ravaged by the fighting among the armies of various rebellious groups that led to the capture of Soochow by Chang Shih-ch’eng in 1356, both Chou and Ma Chih took refuge in I-hsing 宜興 in the home of a M r. Chou whose children they taught. During their stay these, they were able to visit some of the scenic spots of Mts. Yang-hsien 陽羨 and Ching-ch’i 荆 谿. This association resulted in a set of poems known as “ Ching-nan ch’ang ho chi 荆南唱 和 集 (Poetic exchanges from the south of Ching-ch’i )，fo r which the poets Cheng Yuan-yu 鄭元祐(T .明德， 1292-1364) and Hsii Pen (^,v.) both wrote prefaces at a date； another poet, Kao Ch’i (q.v.), who helped to preserve the poems, added an epilogue. A well-recorded painting now in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts entitled “ I-hsing hsiao-ching” 小景(Scenery of I-hsing), dated 1356，is one of the artistic products of Chou’s stay there.<break>It was after his return to Soochow that Chou became more involved in the events of that famous city. Afte r Chang Shih-ch’eng had established his headquarters there, he made peace with the Yuan authorities (1358) and attracted many of the intellectuals to serve under him. It was probably during this period that Chou and others, especially the group of poets known as the Pei-kuo shih-yu 北郭 十 友 (Ten friends of the north wall), including Kao Ch’i，Yang Chi, Chang Yii (㈧.v.), Wang Hsing 王行(T 止仲，H. 灸#口g 士，1331-95)，Sung K’o O .v.)，and Hsii Pen, all came to work under Chang Shih-ch’eng. Kao Ch’i mentions that his<break>friendship with Chou began in 1360 and that they held each other in high esteem. A number of other leading poets and painters of this period from Soochow and the surrounding areas were also his good friends. Later, probably due te lite rates disillusionment with Chang Shih-ch’eqg because of his ambition and corruption， Chou left Soochow for K’uai-chi 會稽, Chekiang. He died when caught in the fighting between the forces of Chang and Ghu Yiian-chang during their final struggle. His poems were collected and preserved by his friend, Lii Min (see HsU Pen), another one of the “ten talents.”<break>This meager amount of material on his life and the scarcity of his remaining artistic and poetical works seem to show that he was a typical literatus of the last, years of the Yiian. Extremely individualistic and very shy, he was able only in the company of like-m inded iiirtellectaals, poets, and painters to find the fellowship that he tru ly enjoyed. It is in his pointing, calligraphy, and poetry, however, that lie achieved a measure of self fulfillm ent.<break>“The scenery of I-hsing” is a short handscroll depicting a retreat in the midst of mountains and rivers. His brushwork is quite personal and free, expressing a sense of purity and naturalness close to those of N i Tsan (《.v.) and Huang Kung-wang (1269-1354). This is borne out by comments from his friends and later connoisseurs. Commenting on his poetry and painting, Ku Ying (see Ch’en Ju-yen) reports that they are comparable to those of his good friend N i Tsan. Li Jih-hua (q.v.) holds that Chou’s painting is superior to the art of Wang Meng (^.v.) and Huang Kung-wang in his ability to achieve a feeling of simplicity, purity, and rembte-ness—something very close to the work of N i Tsan. These qualities are reflected in the “ I-hsing hsiao-ching.” It is interesting that this painting is now mounted together with a painting by Shen Chou (《•v.)，dated 1499，entitled “T’ung-kuan shan-se” 銅 官 山 色 (The landscape of T ’ung-kuanti). Accord ing to Shen’s inscrip-<break>[267]<break>CHOU Ching<break>tion, he was so inspired by Chou's painting that he executed a similar short handscroll as a gift to the owner of that time. Another well-recorded painting, “Yang-hsien t'u” (Scenery of Yang-hsien) seems to be no longer extant. A third landscape entitled “Ch'ang-lin yu-hsi” 長 林幽溪(Lonely stream in an extensive forest), dated 1365, now in the Osaka Museum, is very different in style and brushwork from the Boston painting and has never been recorded in standard Chinese catalogues.<break>In calligraphy he was skillful in various styles imitating the script of Su Shih (1037-1101). It is said that he always had a very firm and balanced control of his brush and his spacing. As to his poetry, it appears that only a few scattered pieces in various anthologies have survived. He wrote both shih 詩 and tz'u 詞，his contemporaries highly prizing his work.
CHU Lu 朱鷺(original ming:家棟，T, 白孱，H.西空老人)，1553-1632, scholar and painter, was a native of Wu 吳-hsien in the prefecture of Soochow. The. son of an instructor in a local school, Chu Lu spent his early years studying under his father. He showed a talent in literary matters, particularly in poetry, and a keen interest in the history of the early years of the dynasty, especially the reign of Emperor Chu Yiin-wen & >・)• Little is known of his activities until about 1590 when he reportedly enrolled in the National University at Nanking and made an impression on the instructor, Feng Meng-chen 馮夢禎(T・開元，1546-1605, cs 1577). He took the prefectural examination at Nanking in 1594 but failed. In subsequent years he taught in a local school to support his aging parents; after their death, he forsook his teaching career and made no further attempts to acquire a degree. He became interested in the I-ching and in metaphysics, but later embraced Buddhism, particularly the teachings of Te-ch'ing and Chu-hung (qq. v.). During his leisure, he took delight in traveling. He supported himself by selling his paintings on bamboo<break>which he modeled with superb skill, after those of Wen Cheng-ming (q.v.), and by engraving seals for ready customers. Some of his works bear such names as I-nien ch*an 一念禪 and Ch^ng-fou-tzu 靑浮子， indicating his obsession with Buddhism.<break>Chu Lu devoted a great part of his life to the preparation of a historical work, later known as Chien-wen shu-fa ni 建文書法擬，to justify the restoration of the reign-title and the award of posthumous honors to Emperor Chu Yiin-wen. During the reign of Chu I-chiin (q. v.), many officials memorialized the throne making similar requests in conjunction with the preparation of an official history of the dynasty (see Ch'en Yu-pi). Chu insisted that justification was due the deposed emperor, as he came to the throne legitimately, and argued that Chu Ti (q. v.), who overthrew his nephew, had never intended to blot out his name and place in history. It was official historians, he maintained, who had tried to put Chu Ti's usurpation in a more favorable light by distorting the records of Chu Yiin-wen's reign and eliminating his title from the chronicles. Chu Lu maintained that such an action had done equal harm to Chu Ti, who could be charged with usurpation, and that the restoration of Chu Yiin-wen's place in the official records would afford a more objective appraisal of his role in history. He reportedly spent twenty-eight years over his project, but before he was able to present his magnum opus to the throne after its completion late in 1594, Emperor Chu I-chiin had already decreed the restoration of Chu Yiin-wen's reign title； it was not until June, 1644, however, that Emperor Chu Yu-sung (ECCP) conferred the posthumous honorifics. Having missed the opportunity to make his point, Chu Lu dropped his plan; it was this work nevertheless that preserved his name in history.<break>The Chien-wen shu-fa ni, 5 ch.—cKien-pien 前編，1 c%・，cheng 正-pien, 2 c瓦，fu ^-pien9 2 ch. — was revised in 1615 and engraved in 1621. It includes Chu Lu's<break>CHU Lu<break>[344]<break>own preface of 1604 in which he calls himself Tung-wu huang-shih shih 東吳荒 史氏,and another by Chiao Hung (ECCP) dated 1615. The prologue presents a collection of documents on the official views of the Chien-wen reign and a proposal for exonerating the dethroned emperor and members of his court; this is supplemented by an outline of principles (shu-fa 書法)for a new history of Chu Yiin-wen and brief chronology of events, as well as a list of the Chien-wen martyrs. The main body of the text features the annals of the Chiemwen reign, interspersed with Chu's critical notes on controversial episodes, often in refutation of the official version, biographical data, as well as arguments for the restoration of the honors of the Chien-wen emperor and his officials. The epilogue presents a selection of eulogies, poems, and essays by later writers on the dethroned emperor and his slain supporters; this is supplemented by Yung-hsu yii-t'an 擁絮迂談，a collection of notes by Chu Lu devoted to the historiographical problem of Chu Yun-wen and Chu Ti growing out of a discussion with his younger brother in the winter of 1594 The Chien-wen shu-fa ni lists over sixty titles of official and private pieces of literature on the subject, some of which are no longer extant; as such, it supplements the Chien-wen cKao-yeh hui-pien by T'u Shu-fang (q・ v.) as an important source for a study of the Chien-wen reign. It differs from the former, however in that it is not a mere compilation of historical records, but a critical appraisal of the period aimed at restoring the rightful place of Chu Yiin-wen in history. The Chien-wen shu-fa ni was proscribed in the Ch*ing dynasty but copies survive in major libraries； an abridged edition of i\iQ Yung-hsil yii-fan is included in the Shuo-fu hsii 証郛續，c,o〃寻，7.<break>Shortly after the enthronement of Emperor Chu Yu-chien (ECCP) in 1628, when there was an auspicious omen, Chu Lu made a trip to Peking, and is said to have presented to the emperor a laudatory<break>essay, together with a memorial on state affairs. During this time the capital was in danger of invasion by the Manchu forces, but Chu remained calm and reportedly whiled away his time by annotating the Chin-kang ching 金剛經(Diamond sutra). When the threat was over, Chu returned home; he then lived as a hermit on Mt. Hua 華 and adopted the title Hsi-k'ung西空.He died at the age of seventy-nine. Wen Chen-meng (q. ”•)，who com-possd his tomb-inscription, hailed Chu Lu and two of his friends, Chao Huan-kuang 趙宦光(T・凡夫,1559-1625) and Wang Tsai-kung 王在公(T・孟夙，d. 1627, cj 1594), as the most talented and virtuous men of Wu-hsien of their time.<break>Chu Lu had a son who did not survive him. His grandson, Chu Tan 旦，took part in the restoration movement after the fall of the dynasty. Late in 1645 he organized a force trying to recapture Soochow from the Manchus, but was killed by government troops in the abortive attempt.
HSIEH Shih-chln謝時臣(T・思忠,H.樗 仙)，1487-1567+, painter and poet, was a native of Wu 吳・hsien, prefecture of Soochow. We know almost nothing about him except for the precious information we may draw from the inscriptions on his paintings. It seems that he never took part in any civil service examination or followed a government career. As he came from a fairly well-to-do family, he had the leisure and means to devote his life to his art For decades he lived mainly in a villa situated on a mountain overlooking scenic Lake Tai. He probably took several short excursions to nearby regions during his lifetime. In 1547 he set out on a long journey. First he visited Mt. Tai-ho 太和 in northwestern Hukuang and Mt. Ta-pieh 大別 on its northeastern border. From there he went south to Wuchang where he visited the Huang-ho lou 黃鶴樓(Yellow crane tower) on a prominence overlooking the Yangtze River. He then went to the scenic Mt. Lu 廬 in Kiangsi before he took a boat down the River to return home. “Chiang-shan” 江 |I| (Rivers and mountains), a long scroll of three sections, dated 1547, was painted as a result of this trip. Although influenced by Shen Chou (q.v.), the foremost artist of the Wu school, Hsieh was able to develop his own style. He was not only more descriptive in his manner, but also painted large-sized landscapes in a bold fashion—both being out of step with the<break>tradition of this school.<break>As a landscape painter Hsieh was noted for his river and lake scenes. Nevertheless, pines remained throughout his life his favorite motif. They appear in nearly all of his paintings. His fascination with them may be substantiated by reference to two of his inscriptions. In the undated “Ch'ing・sung pai-yiin” 靑松白雲 (Green pines and white clouds), in ink, he compares the pine to a dragon. In “Sung-shih” 松石(Pines and rocks), in light color, undated, he professes that pines have human virtues, such as steadfastness and perseverance. Hsieh is remembered for the vitality of his art. In "Ssu-hao” 四皓(Four old men), in light color, undated, a large-sized scroll eight feet high and three feet wide, in the collection of the Palace Museum, Taipei, Hsieh gives a dramatic representation of four serene elderly scholars enjoying a chess game outdoors in the midst of a heavy blow. In the background are layered mountains enveloped by misty clouds. Old pine trees stand out conspicuously, whereas the branches of some plum trees are only barely visible. The wind is strong, and the trees on high peaks are shaken and torn by violent gusts. The onrush of the storm is reflected in nearly every detail except the chess board and the human figures. It is not a realistic painting； nevertheless, it illustrates Hsieh5s fondness for dramatic effect. “Feng-yii kuei-ts'uh” 風雨歸邨(Returning home through wind and rain), dated 1530, in the collection of H. Mueller, and “ChM-hsia"出峽(Passing through the gorge), in color, undated, included in T'ang Sung Yuan Ming Ch'ing hua-hsuan 唐宋元明淸畫選，were executed in a more or less similar fashion. His “Shan-shui” 山 水 (Mountains and streams), in light color, dated November, 1557, in Baron Dan's collection, however, demonstrates another aspect of Hsieh's brushwork. Here the audacity and virility exhibited prominently in “Ssu-hao” are absent. Instead, a certain poetic mood pervades it. The setting is early spring. On<break>[559]<break>HSIEH Ssu<break>the left side of a winding stream is a low promontory with two huge willow trees standing on its bank, their leaves not yet in full bloom. A man, possibly a servant, is paddling a skiff toward the villa situated on the other side of the stream. A tutor looks out from the studio at the river view, while one of his pupils close by is absorbed in his books, and another is sitting in an adjacent room. A bridge on high supports may be seen upstream. In the background are a few lofty mountains with a covering of trees. The whole composition is done with mellow, consummate skill. Some of his works, such as “Chiang-shan wu・chin” 江山無盡(The limitless view of rivers and streams), undated, in the Kuwana collection, and “Hsi-shan feng-yu>,溪山風雨(Mountain and river in wind and_ rain), in light color, undated, in the Omoto collection, are distinguished for the same reason.<break>Besides the above, Hsieh provided pictures for several literary masterpieces. Two examples are his “Tsui-weng fing chi shu-hua ho-pi”醉翁亭記書畫合璧(Pavilion of the intoxicated old man), in ink, dated 1559, which illustrates a passage by Ou-yang Hsiu (1007-72), and his MYueh-yang lou” 岳陽樓(Tower of Yueh-yang), in color, undated, which does the same for a piece of prose by Fan Chung-yen (989 -1052). Both are in the collection of the Palace Museum. Hsieh is also credited with three sketches on album leaves which are reproduced in Ku-kung ming-shan chi 名扇集.<break>Hsieh concentrated almost all of his energy on painting. Although skilled in the art, he seldom composed poetry. A score of his productions, however, are preserved through his paintings.
HUANG Hsing-tseng 黃省曾(T.勉之，H. 五嶽山人)，1490-August 25 (•?)，1540, scholar, author, poet, publisher, and bibliophile, the best known of the Huang family o f belle-lettrists, was a native of Wu 吳-hsien (Soochow). This area, because of the productivity of its land and its flourishing commerce, was for centuries a center of afflIuence and literary activit y. During the 16th century it produced, besides the Huang brothers, such well-known families as those of Wen Cheng-ming, Huang-fu Fang, and Chang Feng-i (qq.v.). Huang Hsing-tseng and his elder brother Huang Lu 魯-tseng were cousins of the Huang-fu brothers.<break>The Huang family, originally from<break>Honan, settled in Yuan-chou 袁州，Kiang-si, at the beginning of the 12th century. Huang’s sixth-generation ancestor Huang Pin 斌(d. 1375), a muscular man skillful in the military arts, joined the rebel leader Hsii Shou-hui (《.v.) after Hsii’s forces seized Yiian-chou from government hands in April, 1352, and was appointed a mili-arch commander.<break>He stayed on in Hsii’s camp even after Psu’s the assassination by Ch’en Yu-liang (^.v.) in June, 1360, but surrendered to Chu Yiian-chang after Chu captured Chiang-chou 江卜州(Kiukiang) from Ch’en in September of the following year. Early in 1370, Chu Yuan-chang, now emperor, rewarded Huang Pin with the rank of battalion commander, and assigned him to Soochow, where he raised his family. During the last two years of his life (1 373-75)，，Huang Pin officiated in the transportation of grain along the coast from the Yangtze valley to Liaotung. After his death his two sons successively inherited the military rank, and continued in the same service intermittently for over thirty years from 1378 to 1410. Huang Pin’s second son had an heir who remained in the military service; he raised three sons, the youngest, Huang Wei 皞 (T .日昇，H _ 東樓，b. 1438) Huang Hsing-tseng^ grandfather, was the first in the family to pursue a civil career.<break>Having qualified for the chii-jen in 1477, Huang Wei achieved the chin-shih belatedly in 1490, at the age of fift!y-t wo. He then successively served as secretary in the ministry of Justice, and as director of a bureau in the ministry of Works. He became known as the author of a collection of notes on the history and folklore of the Soochow area. The original edition of this work, with a preface by Wang Ao 王繁(《.v.)，dated 1526?, is extremely rare; the publisher of at least two later editions erroneously attributed the authorship to Yang Hsiin-chi (《.v.), also a native of Soochow. A manuscript copy entitled P ’eng-hsiian Wu-chi 蓬軒吳記，2<break>HUANG Hsing-tseng<break>[662]<break>ch； with a supplement P ’eng-hsiian pieh 別-chi, 1 ch” is preserved in the former National Library of Peiping and is available in microfilm (no. 249). A collated edition entitled P ’eng-ch ’uang lei-kao 窗 類稿，5 ch .，with slight variations, was printed in 1915 in the collection Han-fen-lou pi-chi 涵芬i樓祖发(second series). Huang Wei’s son, Huang I 異 (H .葵蒂) though not a scholar, made handsome provision for his two sons, Huang Lu-tseng and Huang Hsing-tseng, for their acquisition of books.<break>Huang Lu-tseng ( T.得之，H .中南. March 25, 1487-August 10, 1561), was the second son of Huang I (his eldest having died early). Tall and impressive looking, Huang Lu-tseng graduated as chu-jen in 1516, but failed in the metropolitan examinations. He lived the rest of his life in Soochow and became the center of a small group of men of letters, including the Huang-fu cousins, Wang Ch’ung (分.v.) and his elder brother, and Chang Feng-i and his brothers. They were fondly referred to by their fellow townsmen as “two dragons of the Huang, two jades of the Wang, and four gems of the Huang-fu” (黃家二龍，王氏雙璧，皇甫四傑)• Huang Lu-tseng was known for his generosity and readiness to help those in need. He is reported to have written several works. Among those that are extant may be mentioned the tsan 贊(eulogies) to the Ku Lieh-nii chuan 古列女傳 attributed to Liu Hsiang (77-6 b. C.)，and to the Hsii 績 Lieh-nii chuan, a continuation of the previous work by the same author, and the Chung-Lii er-hsien 鍾呂二仙 chuan，biogra-phies of Chung IC’uei (^see Chou Ch’en) and Lu Tung-pin 洞賓，two famous legendary Taoist figures. He had a collection of poetry published under the title Nan-hua ho-pi chi 南華合璧集，5 ch., including a selection of the poems of Wang Ch’ung; it receives a notice in the Imperial Catalogue but it is not known to have survived.<break>Huang Lu-tseng had a son named Huang Ho-shui河水(original ming Te-shui<break>德水，T .淸父)，who distinguished himself as a poet. He was the author of several collections of travelogues and poetry, and the co-editor of an anthology of T’ang poems entitled T ’ang-shih chi 唐詩紀， 170 ch., with a table of contents in 34 chiian printed by his collaborator Wu Kuan 吳琯 (cs 1571) in 1585，which is still extant.<break>Huang Hsing-tseng, the youngest son of Huang Wei, was generally acknowledged as superior to his brother in learning and literary achievement. Even as a young man without an official title, Huang attracted the attention of such distinguished individuals as Wang Ao, Li Meng-yang, Wang Shou-jen, and Huo T’ao，(qq)・). After repeated failure in the examinations, he became obsessed with an urge to travel, and adopted the sobriquet Wu-yueh-shan-jen 五嶽山人(recluse of the five sacred mountains). Late in 1517 he received an invitation from the minister of War at Nanking, Ch’iao Yii 喬宇(T .希 大 H .白巖，1457- 1524, cs 1484, minister from 1515 to August, 1521, Pttth .莊簡)，to come to the southern capital. Ch’iao entrusted him with the compilation of accounts of travelogues of that area, which he successfully completed in due course. Unfortunatiel y, these accounts are not noticed in any catalogue. It was also during this time that he produced his famous work of historical geography, the Hsi-yang ch ’ao-kung tien-lu 西洋朝貢典錄(preface July, 1520).<break>Already in 1521, Huang, impressed by the teaching of Wang Shou-jen, had begun corresponding with this famous philosopher. Two years later, upon learning that Wang had returned to Chekiang, Huang proceeded to Shao-hsing to become one of his students. He compiled an account of Wang’s conversation with his disciples, excerpts of which are preserved in the final section of the Ch’uan-hsi lu edited by Ch’ien Te-hung (《.v.). Huang’s record, however, was later criticized by Huang Tsung-hsi (ECCP) as distorting the meaning of the master. When Wang Shou-jen was recalled from retirement to suppress<break>[663]<break>HUANG Hsing-tseng<break>the rebellion in Kwangsi in 1527, Huang continued his study under Wang's senior disciple Chan Jo-shui (q.v.), then chancellor of the National University at Nanking (1526-28). He took note of the differences between Wang and Chan, but contended that they differed only in emphasis and not in principle. By this time Huang's fame was such that, when Li Meng-yang, who had earlier discussed the art of poetry with him, was recuperating from illness at Ching・k'ou 京口 in the summer of 1529, he entrusted Huang with publishing his collected works; Huang complied and contributed a preface. After a brief sojourn in Nanking until 1530, Huang returned to Soochow; a year later, at the age of forty-one, he finally became a chu-jen. at the top of the list.<break>Huang did not, however, pursue an official career. In subsequent years, except for occasional travel, which included visits to Ch'ang-an and Peking, he spent most of his time in Soochow, devoting himself to writing, collecting, and publishing. In 1537 he enrolled in the National University at Nanking, but stayed there very briefly. During this year, he took a trip to West Lake in Hangchow, where he encountered another distinguished man of letters, T'ien Ju-ch'eng (q.v.). They traveled together and exchanged poems, producing a corpus of poetry known as Hsi-hu yu-yung 湖西遊詠.This collection, with prefaces by both Huang and T'ien dated 1538, is available in several collectanea. In November, 1539, his mother nee Wang 王 died; overcome with grief he contracted an illness which became very serious. By July of the following year, worrying that he might not recuperate, he started writing his autobiography. Huang succumbed a month later, aged fifty, apparently of lung disease; before the end, he composed his own eulogy, which, together with his autobiography, is preserved in his collected works. He married twice but both wives died before him; the first bore him a son, Huang Chi-shui 姬水, who was also accomplished in letters and<break>scholarship.<break>Huang Hsing-tseng is reported to have been as impressive looking as his brother and quite conversant with the official speech, but he lived a rather carefree and unconventional life. Supported by the family estate and unhindered by official duties, he took delight in composing poetry and in pursuing antiquarian interests—a typical example of the “pure” literary man of his time (see Chu Yiln-ming). He enjoyed the association and friendship of many leading scholar-officials and intellectuals, and benefited from their patronage and guidance； these associations he recounts vividly in his autobiography； yet, both in life and writing style, he remained individualistic. In philosophy, though' he was a member of the Wang Yang-ming school, he did not distinguish himself； except for casual remarks indicating his skepticism about certain popular beliefs, such as fate and the efficacy of geomancy, he seldom discussed philosophy in abstract terms. In literature, particularly in poetry, despite his affiliation with Li Meng-yang, he did not follow his style. The breadth of his scholarship, marked by the copiousness and diversity of his writings, exceeded that of many of his contemporaries.<break>Huang Hsing-tseng wrote on subjects ranging from emendations of, and annotations, to, classical literature and miscellanies on history and geography, to treatises on plants and animals. His collected works of prose and poetry, entitled Wu-yueh-shan-jen chi 集，38 c〃・，were printed by his family shortly before his death. A selection of his poems, brought out with those of his son, collectively known as Er-Huang 二黃 chi, is included in Sheng Ming pai-chia shih (cKien-chi)盛明百家詩 (前銀)，edited by Yii Hsien (see Feng Wei-min). Most of his other writings survive either as independent works or as chapters in various collectanea. His supplements to classical literature include the “eulogies" to the Lieh-hsien chuan 列仙傳 ascribed to Liu Hsiang, the Kao-shih 高士 chuan by Huang-fu Mi (215-82), and the<break>HUANG Hsing-tseng<break>[664]<break>Hsii hsien chuan by Shen Pan (of the Nan-T’ang, 923-36 )； and annotation of the Shen-chien 申鑒 by Hsiin Yiieh (148-209) with preface of 1519, considered the most detailed and authoritative of its kind. His notes on the Odes and on the principles of poetry are available in several ts ’ung-shu. His miscellanies on history and geography include： Wu-feng lu 吳風錄， a collection of jottings on the Soochow area, and the above-mentioned Hsi-yang ch 'ao-kung tien-lu，which is probably his best known work. It is a record of the vassal states in central and southeast Asia that dispatched tributary missions to the Ming court from the beginning of the dynasty down to his time, based on the works of Ma Huan, Fei Hsin {qq. v.) and others, but with important emendations and corrections. This work is a valuable supplement to the earlier accounts of the Chinese maritime expeditions to the South Seas, and has been critically examined by J. J. L. Duyvendak, Paul Pel-liot, and others. First circulated in manuscript, it was initially printed by Chang Hai-p’eng (ECCP), who collated the surviving fragments in his Chieh-yueh shan-fang hui-ch ’ao in 1808. His writings on plants, animals, and related topics encompass the following： Tao-p 'in 稻品，on rice growing； 蠶經，on the silkworm; Yii 魚-ching，on fish； I-chii 藝菊，on chrys-anthemums； Yii 字-ching, on taros； Shou 獸 -ching, on animals； and others. The first four were printed together under the title QHsin-k’o) Nung-p 'u ssu-chung (新刻) 農圃四種 in 1603. These are all available in a number of Ming collectanea, such as I-men kuang-tu 夷門廣牘，Pai-ling hsiieh-shan 百陵學山，Kuang Pai-cKuan hsiieh-hai 廣百川學海，and Ko-chih 格致 ts ’ung-shu.<break>Huang Hsing-tseng was also noted as a publisher. He supervised the engraving of a score of important works, ranging from classical literature and Buddhist and Taoist treatises, to miscellanies on philosophy, history, and geography； some of these also contained his own commentaries. In 1525 he printed the Hsi Chung-san<break>chi 嵇中散集，10 ch., being the collected works of the famous poet-musician Hsi K’ang (223-62). It bears the name of Huang’s studio, Nan-hsing ching-she 南星 精舍，and was later reproduced in the Ssu-pu ts ’ung-k’an series. In 1534 he engraved another important book, the Shui-ching chu 水經注 of Li Tao-yuan (d. 527) which, though criticized by later commentators for its faults, was one of the important Ming editions. The Wu-yileh shan-jen chi contains a number of prefaces and colophons to works of different kinds, indicating the books which Huang had printed. Some of these works bear the studio names of Fou-yii shan-fang 浮玉山 房 and Wen-shih-t’ang 文始堂.<break>Huang Hsing-tseng^ son Huang Chi-shui (T.淳父,H.質山，1509-June, 1574) also distinguished himself in literature and scholarship. In his early years, at the instance of his father, whose handwriting was poor, he received instruction from the famous calligrapher Chu Yiin-ming, and became superior in this art. He entered the prefectural school at the age of thirteen, but, like his father, Huang Chi-shui, suffered setbacks in the civil examinations. He delighted in literary pursuits, and spent large sums for the acquisition of books, paintings, and antique objects. His indulgence in these activities eventually sapped the. family wealth, and he ceased to be a man of means toward his later years. By virtue of his literary achievement and secure in his family name, he became a well-known figure among his contemporaries. Early in 1555，when Soochow was threatened by the raids of the wo-k’ou， he accepted the invitation of Nieh Pao (分. v.)，lately retired as minister of War to live with him in his native village, Yung-chi 永吉，Kiangsi. While he and his family were stopping over at Nanking on the way, his friend Ho Liang-chiin (《.v .)， who also sought shelter from the pirates, persuaded him to stay in the southern capital instead. Huang then made his temporary home in Nanking for the next<break>HUANG Huai<break>[665]<break>six years. During this period he composed numerous poems, many of them his prized pieces. He returned to Soochow in 1561, where he died thirteen years later. Huang Chi-shui was the author of several collections of writings, most of which were printed by his son Huang Chia-fang 嘉芳, after his death. One of the earliest, known as Pai-hsia 白下 chi (Pai-hsia being an ancient name of Nanking), 11 ch” contains many poems composed during his sojourn there. Another one entitled Kao-su-chai 高素齋 chi， 29 ch., includes some of his later writings. Finally there is the Huang Ch’un-fu hsien-sheng ch ’iian-chi 淳父先生全集，24 ch., which supplements the aforesaid collections. Copies of these works, though still extant, are quite rare. A selection of Huang Chi-shui^ poems, entitled Huang Chih-shan 質山 chi is printed together with those of his father in Sheng Ming pai-chia shih. Huang Chi-shui was also the author of P^in-shih chuan 貧士傳，2 ch., being a compendium of biographical sketches of scholars of the past who became poverty stricken. This appears to have been a work of his late years, an edition of which was included in 1922 in the Pao-yen-fang pi-chi (cheng-chih (正集)by ' Ch’en Chi-ju (ECCP). Like his father, Huang Chi-shui also published books. One of his best-known works is a facsimile reproduction of a Sung edition of the Ch ’ien-Han chi 前漢紀，30 ch., by Hsun Yiieh. This work was later reproduced in the Ssu-pu ts ’ung k ’an series. A specimen of his calligraphy is preserved in the Palace Museum, Taipei.
LI Shih-ta李士達(H仰槐，仰懷，邵甫，通 甫)，fl. 1580-1620, an artist noted for landscapes and figure compositions, was a native of Wu 吳-hsien (Soochow). Little is known of Li. The assertion is sometimes made that he attained the chin-shih, but this confuses him with a man of the same name, a native of Sian (cs 1574). He is described as being a proud man, full of self-esteem. He once narrowly escaped difficulties when he refused to kneel in the presence of Sun Lung (see Chii Chieh), merely making a deep bow and then departing. He went into hiding and constables sent to arrest him could not find / him. It is said that the<break>wealthy and powerful who sought Li's paintings were unable to obtain them at any price. He was active as an artist when he was seventy-three years of age, but he may not have begun painting until -somewhat late in life since the earliest<break>date on any of his paintings corresponds to 1601.<break>Li's artistic abilities were quite varied. Among his works are paintings in which the landscape and the figures are stylistically akin to the styles current in the late 16th and early 17th centuries, such as a fan showing a bustling ferryboat landing, dated 1612, or another fan painting, “ChY-lii hsiin-mei th” 騎驢蠢梅圖 (On donkeyback seeking plum-blossoms), dated 1619, depicting a traveler in a wintry landscape. He was equally attracted to the art of the past and selected models from all eras. Through exaggeration and emphasis of salient features, he adeptly exploited and reworked antique styles and compositions. The bright blue and green mineral pigments seen in the landscape background of a fan painting depicting the pastimes of scholars, now in the Hashimoto collection, is based on a technique which, according to tradition, originated in the T'ang dynasty. A painting in the Seikado collection in Tokyo, entitled “Shan・t'ing fiao-wang 山亭眺望 tt” (Gazing from a mountain pavilion), dated 1618, is a daring and striking revision of the Southern Sung uone-corner-ed” composition. The open vistas and the large, gnarled pine trees in the immediate foreground of “Tso-t'ing sung feng 坐聽 松風 t'u” (Listening to the wind in the pines), dated 1616, in the National Palace Museum, derive from the horizontal tripartite compositional divisions familiar in Yuan dynasty landscape paintings. Yet another, “Chu・li ch^an-sheng 竹裡泉聲 t'u" (Listening to the sounds of a spring in a bamboo grove), shows the influence of the artist Hsieh Shih-ch'en (q. l).<break>As themes for his figure compositions, Li Shih-ta portrayed not only the diversions of the literati, but also specific famous ones among them, as in the hanging scroll now in the University of Michigan Museum of Art, “T'ao Ch'ien shang-chu 陶潛賞菊 tb”(rao CNien [365-427] admiring chrysanthemums), dated 1619, or the handscroll MHsi-yiian ya-chi 西園雅集<break>[869]<break>LI Tai<break>t'u” (The elegant gathering in the western garden). The latter is a delightfully inventive depiction of the sixteen Northern Sung luminaries, including Su Shih (1037-1101), Huang ring-chien (1045-1105), Mi Fu (1051-1107), and Li Kung-lin (1049-1106), with their attendants, in a setting of arching pines, curved-leafed palms, and mammoth rounded boulders. The figures of the gentlemen are exaggeratedly rotund and paunchy, repeating the massive shapes of the boulders behind them, while the extraordinarily slim servants and ladies echo the slender verticals of the tree trunks and bamboo stalks.<break>With one exception all the known and recorded paintings by Li are either landscapes or figure paintings; thus, a hanging scroll “Jui-lien 瑞蓮 t'u” (Auspicious lotus), dated 1606, in the National Palace Museum, is his only flower painting and is the only one by him executed in a free fashion, employing flowing strokes and pools of ink and green color. Li lived in retirement at Hsin-kuo 新郭(probably a peninsula in the northern part of Shih-hu 石湖 near Soochow) and at the age of eighty years still enjoyed night-long carousing; at that advanced age "the pupils of his eyes were bright, his wrists supple, and his body like an immortal's.” He wrote a treatise on painting of which only a summary (?), as noted by Chiang Shao-shu 姜紹善，has survived： “Landscape has five excellences—vigor 蒼，spontaneity 逸， creativity 奇，completeness 圓， and harmony 韻；landscape has five faults— timidity 嫩，stiffness 板，laboriousness 刻, incompleteness 生，and confusion 癡."<break>Li Shih-ta had at least one pupil, a certain Shen Chen 沈軫(T・文林〉In addition, some of the paintings executed by Sheng Mao-yeh (g. v.) reveal the influence of Li Shih-ta.
LU Chih陸治(T・叔平，H.包山)1496-1576, a native of Wu-hsien (Soochow), was an essayist, poet, and painter of landscapes and natural objects： flowers, birds, blossoming trees, etc. He was a student of the district school but failed in the higher examinations. Later he retired to a retreat in Chih-hsing-shan 支硼山，southwest of Wu-hsien, where he lived to the end of his days, tending his chrysanthemums, painting, and writing. From time to time acquaintances sought him out in his retreat, and to some he gave his paintings but reports have it that he refused to sell a single one. A close friend and perhaps at one time his tutor was Wen Cheng-ming (q. v.); Wen's calligraphy and poems appear on some of his works of art. (Cf painting of Lake Shih below; Tomita and Ch'iu have translated Wen's poem into English.) Lu owed much as well to the masters of the 10th to 13th centuries. The notorious official Yen Sung (q. v.), whose possessions were confiscated by the government at the time of Yen's trial- for malfeasance in office, owned nine of Lu's hanging scrolls and one long hand scroll. The Palace Museum in Taiwan records in its collection twelve hanging scrolls (ranging in size from 26.3x61.7 cm. to 124.8 X51.7 cm.), an album of ten paintings of flowers, and another album which contains, along with eleven specimens of calligraphy by TsEi Yu 蔡羽(T・九逵 H. 林屋山人,d・ 1541), ten of Lu's paintings, mostly small landscapes, reproduced in 1934 under the title Ming Lu Chih Ts'ai Y" shu^hua ho-pi明陸治蔡羽書畫合璧. Osvald Siren hazards the judgment that Lu was at his best when working on a small scale. However that may be, his landscapes, large or small, are today particularly prized, being composed with un-<break>[991]<break>LU Hsi-hsing<break>usual skill. Lu was fond of using fresh colors such as earthen-red or Indian-red and emerald green.<break>According to Hsii Pang-ta 徐邦達, seventy-two of Lu's paintings have survived (O. Siren lists eighty-two, fifty-one of which bear his signature). A considerable number of them carry dates, which seem to indicate that his productive period ran up to a year before his death, 1522 to 1575. Besides the Palace Museum collection and others on the Chinese mainland, there are several of Lu's paintings in Japan, Europe, Canada, and the United States. Two of the scenes represented he must have known particularly well： one is of his retreat (Chih-hsing-shan tl), now in the Palace Museum, and the other is of Lake Shih 石湖，situated near Soochow, and depicts its islands, cottages, bridges, and boats; it is now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. The Chinese government exhibited one of his paintings at the Panama Exposition (1915) and three at the International Exhibition of Chinese Art, London (1935-36).
SHAO Mi邵彌(T.僧彌 瓜疇etc.), fl. 1626-1660, probably originally named Shao Kao 高 (IT .彌高)，was a native of Wu 吳 -hsien (Soochow). Noted primarily as an artist, Shao Mi was also known as a poet and calligrapher. His father was a physician and the family lived at a place known as Lu-mu 陸墓，located to the west of Shih-hu 石 湖(Stone Lake). He was a sickly child and consequently did not undergo the strenuous preparations for the civil service examinations. He developed certain peculiarities such as a mania for cleanliness and order; much to the despair of his wife and servants, he constantly brushed and adjusted his garments or dusted and rearranged his ink-stones and desk top. When guests arrived, he conversed with them but never invited them inside while he leisurely prepared to go out with them. At parties he drank only half a cup of wine and then drifted off to sleep regardless of the company present. Probably due to his ill health, as well as to his easy-going disposition (and the lack of pressure to study), he was described as being “as thin as a yellow crane and as free as a sea gull.” He followed his personal inclinations and, in addition to practicing the arts of poetry, calligraphy, and painting, collected curios and antiquities. He owned, for instance, a painting by T’ang Yin (q. v.) which he once showed to the connoisseur, Chang Ch’ou (q. v.). Shao named his house I-t’ang 读 堂 (Contentment hall), and there he delighted in his treasures.<break>In his middle years Shao contracted a lung disease (or, according to some sources, a kidney disease) and began to delve<break>[1167]<break>SHAO Mi<break>into pharmaceutical books, seeking prescriptions of medicine which might relieve his affliction, but in vain. As he grew increasingly uncomfortable, he became more eccentric and introverted. After his death, his writings, paintings, and possessions were scattered and lost as his family suffered impoverishment. He had two sons, the elder, Shao Yii豫，drowned sometime before 1672; the younger son, Shao Kuan 觀，who was lame, became a monk at Mt. Hsiian-mu 玄墓，southwest of Wu-hsien.<break>Although Shao had no degree, he and the literati had common interests, and thus Wen Chen-meng (q. v.) and other leading members of the intelligentsia of Soochow were his friends and companions. In this respect, Shao Mi is interesting because, even as a talented and appreciated individual, he never achieved true prominence, but remained in the shadow of the illustrious and the wealthy. Wu Wei-yeh (ECCP) not only wrote Shao's epitaph, but also, elsewhere, reveals that Shao enjoyed conversing about Soochow's luminaries of bygone days. He was reputed to be an avid admirer of plum blossoms； he is mentioned in this connection by Yao Hsi-meng (see Ch'ien Shih-sheng). In 1628 Shao Mi and Ch’ien Ch5ien-i (ECCP), who also was acquainted with Shao's father, went out to enjoy the plum blossoms. In his writing Ch'ien several times refers to Shao and his appreciation of these blooms； Shao often painted scrolls -depicting them.<break>In 1637, while at the Ch，ing-yin hall 淸蔭堂 of the Fa-shui monastery 法水寺 (one of his haunts), Shao painted the farewell scene “I・hao chi-shu tt”貽鶴寄書 圖(Sending a crane to deliver a message) for a poet-friend, Chi Chuan 褚篆(T. 蒼書，1580-1676 or 1607-1700). Shao also had numerous acquaintances among the Buddhist clergy, such as the poet Pen-ch^ng 本成(T.在久)who lived at the Hui・ch，ing 慧康 monastery and Chih-hsu (q. v.) who resided at Ling-feng 靈峯. 6ne of Shao飞 pupils, the monk Tzu-chiung 自扃(T.道開，1601-52), gained some<break>fame as a calligrapher and was one of Shao's more intimate friends. Although Wu Wei-yeh included Shao Mi as one of the “Nine friends of painting,” there appears, however, to have been little direct social communication between them and Shao.<break>Shao's paintings display great virtuosity. A long handscroll entitled MYun-shan p^ng-yiian 雲山干遠 fun (Cloudy mountains and level distance), dated 1640, and now in the Abe collection of the Osaka Municipal Museum, reveals the artist's consummate ability in interpreting the styles of Sung and Yuan dynasty masters. Many works by Shao were influenced by the artistic style of T'ang Yin, while still others are more individualized, such as the album including the poem “Ling-ching hsien so pi meng ts'eng lai tz'u P'in"靈境仙所闕夢曾來此頻(Dream journey to Ling-ching), dated 1638. Most of Shacfs paintings depict landscapes or plum blossoms, but sometimes bamboo; a painting of a goose, another of a dragon, as well as a few figure paintings, are also among those signed by or assigned to Shao Mi. Two portraits of Shao have been published. One, painted by Tseng Ching 曾鯨(T. 波臣，1568-1650), depicts Shao seated in a chrysanthemum garden. The other portrait, executed in 1657 by Hsii T'ai 徐泰 (T.階平)and Lan Ying (q. v.), shows Shao seated on the gnarled roots of a slanting tree.
"TU M,u都穆(T.玄敬，H .虎邱山人，南濠 居士)，1459-OcItober 8，1525， author and art critic of Wu 吳-hsien (Soochow). His father Tu Ang 卬 (T.維明，H .豫軒，1426 -1508) was the author of San-yii chui-pi 三餘食筆，which was copied into the Ssu-k，u ch’uan-shu. The appendix of this book includes a birthday essay (壽序) written by Wang Shou-jen (分.v.) in 1505，which runs in part as follows: “I visited Soochow in the winter of 1503 where I met my fellow chin-shih, Tu Mu, who accompanied<break>[1323]<break>me on a visit to Hsiian-mu shan 玄墓山, T'ien-p'ing 天平 shan, and Hu-ch'iu 虎丘R (Tigers，Mount), then all snow covered. I had a pleasant time w辻h him for fifteen days and found that he is really a well informed scholar. Upon our return I had the honor of meeting his father, Tu Ang, who is eighty sui this year. Tu Mu is now a secretary in the ministry of Works. As the emperor (Chu Yu-fang,. q.v.) has granted special favors to all officials this year, Tu Ang received the same title as his son」' Tu Mu was appointed a secretary in the ministry of Works; later came promotion to director of a bureau in the ministry of Rites. When he retired in 1512, he was granted the title of vice minister of the Court of the Imperial Stud.<break>Besides intensive study of books on a variety of subjects, Tu Mu was fond of traveling, and investigated whatever interested him on his journey. When sent on an official mission, he would visit the scenic spots and search for historical relics. He delighted in collecting rubbings of stone and metal inscriptions. In 1513, following an official tour to Ninghsia, he wrote an account of the trip called Hsi-shih chi 西使記,1 ""• (or Shih-hsi jih-chi 使西日記， as listed in the Ssu-k'u catalogue). The full account of his study of rubbings was published as Chin-hsieh lin-lang 金薙琳瑯，20 ch. It was written in imitation of, and as a supplement to, Li shih 隸釋 by Hung K'ua (1117-84). This may be considered his magnum opus.<break>In spite of a fairly successful official life, Tu Mu was not well off. Oftentimes when his family was short of food, he would simply smile and remark: “The world would not let Tu Mu die of hunger.” One incident may have discredited Tu Mu. He and T'ang Yin (g.v.) were friends of long standing. When Tang was unfortunately involved in a bribery case, someone reported that it was Tu who had spread the story. For this reason T'ang made up his mind never to meet Tu again. Tu Mu was filled with regret that he had been responsible and remained remorseful to" "TU Mu the end of his life.<break>It is said that Tu Mu wrote in all twenty books; his literary style, however, as remarked both by Ch^en Ch5ien-i (ECCP) and the Ssu-k'u editors, was rather commonplace. The Ssu-k'u catalogue lists seven publications. Others that are extant today are: Nan-hao-chu-shih we〃-p〃 南濠居士支跋，4 c%., Nan-hao shih-hua 詩話,1 c,., Yu ming-shan chi 遊 名山記，4 ch., and Yu-hu ping 玉壺氷，1 ch. In regard to T'iefi-wang shan-hu 鐵網珊 瑚，20 c/., the Ssu-k'u editors comment that the book is an admixture of Yu-i pien 寓意編，1 ch., and some materials from other works. Lu Wen・ch'ao (ECCP), who wrote the preface to Chin-hsieh lin-lang in 1776, concurred in this opinion. In this connection a book bearing a similar title, Shan-hu mu-nan, compiled by Chu Ts'un-li (q.v・)，is sometime confused with the above. As to Yu-i pie〃，it was written in imitation of Shu-hua shih by Mi Fu (1051-1107) and has been reprinted several times. Tu also left a collection of anecdotes entitled T'an-tsuan 談纂,2 ch., later edited by Lu Ts5ai 陸釆(T.子玄 H.天池 山人,14§7-1537), his son-in-law. Lu Ts'ai made a name for himself by writing a drama called Ming-chu chi 明珠記 at the age of nineteen sui. T'an-tsuan came to be known as Tu-kung 都公 fan-tsuan; it has been reprinted in the Ts'ung-shu chi-ch'eng. In addition Tu left a list of persons ennobled in 1402, entitled Jen-wu kung-cWen chiieh-shang lu 壬午功臣爵賞錄 (with a supplement, pieh-lu 別錄)，of which a Ming edition is available on microfilm." 
WANG Ch,ng 王寵(T.履仁，履吉，H. 雅宜山人)，1494-1533, poet and calligrapher, was a native of Wu 吳・hsien (Soochow). His father, born in Wu-chiang 吳 江，south of Soochow, was originally sur-named Chang 章 but was adopted by the Wang family of Soochow. In his youth Wang Ch'ung studied under Ts'ai Yii (see Lu Chih). Wen Cheng-ming, T'ang Yin (qq.v.), and other literati of the locality regarded Wang Ch'ung highly as a promis-ing young poet. After Wang became a hsiu-ts'ai, Hu Tsuan-tsung (see Chiao Fang), then prefect of Soochow, recommended him for study at the National University. He took part in the provincial examination eight times without success, despite his extensive knowledge and wide acquain-<break>[1369]<break>WANG Ch^ng-ku<break>tance with the Classics. In the end he gave himself up to reading, writing, and visiting famous mountains and lakes. According to the tombstone inscription written by Wen Cheng-ming, Wang Ch'ung was a tall, handsome man, loving tranquillity and repose, never speaking a vulgar word, and never flaunting his literary talent. He made a name for himself even though he passed away at an early age.<break>His elder brother, Wang Shou 守(T. 履約,cs 1526), rose to be governor of Yiin-yang 鄙陽 (1543-44). The daughter of T'ang Yin married one of Wang Ch'ung's sons.<break>In calligraphy Wang Ch'ung is sometimes ranked next to Wen Cheng-ming and Chu Yiin-ming (q.v.). Many commentators, including Ho Liang-chiin (q.v・)， considered that Wang Ch'ung飞 refined handwriting was a reflection of his unblemished character. He wrote more verse than prose. Ku Lin (see Yuan Chiung), a contemporary poet in Nanking, records that Wang Ch'ung set a high standard for poets. He seldom painted, but the few examples of his art that are known show a lofty style.<break>Wang's literary works were gathered together under the title Ya-i-shan-jen chi 雅宜山人集，I。c瓦，8 chuan of verse and 2 of prose. Published in the Chia-ching period this book was reproduced in 1968, and is also available on microfilm. Yii Hsien (see Feng Wei-min), who spent most of his days compiling an anthology of Ming poetry, entitled Sheng-Ming pai-chia shih 盛明百家詩，published one chilan of Wang Ch'ung's poems; the title is given as Wang Lu-chi chi 履吉集. This anthology, containing the output' of 160 poets and 17,600 of their poems, is known only in a Ming edition; it was copied in the 18th century, however, into the Ss〃-R'〃 cWuan-shu and so exists in manuscript as well.<break>[Editors* note： Ho Liang-chiin, after a visit to Wang Ch'ung, left the following vivid sketch of him： "At that time Ya-i (Wang's 〃a。)，though an invalid, always<break>stood up to talk to us. He did not like to speak in his dialect but always preferred the official speech. Our conversation concentrated on his recollections of great men of the past, which he related one after another like a string of pearls. Brilliantly eloquent speaking in a voice deep and musical, he gave an impression of dignity and intelligence.... a pity he died before forty. Today I can't see anyone of his stature." By official speech, kuan-hua 官話，Ho apparently meant the Peking dialect which most southerners, aspiring to high office in the imperial court, learned as a necessary accomplishment.<break>As Wang failed to pass the civil examination he was barred from officialdom and came to be known as a poet only. Yet, as Ch'ien Ch'ien-i (ECCP) cynically remarked, Wang Shou, who did rise to be a governor, is remembered merely as the brother of Wang Ching.]
HSU Hsueh-mo徐學謨(T.叔明，H.太室, 二白居士，original ming Hsiieh-shih 學詩, T.字言，思重)，1522-January 22, 1594, offi-cial, scholar, and minor poet, was a native of Chia-ting 嘉定，Soochow. His ancestor in the fifth generation engaged in the distilling business and made the family fortune. Hsu Hsiieh-mo was the first descendant to enter officialdom. Praised as precocious in his youth, he became a chii-jen in 1543, and obtained the chin-shih degree in 1550. After passing the metropolitan examinations he changed his name. Allegedly he did this because one bureau director of the same name in the ministry of Justice, Hsii Hsiieh-shih (T.以言，cs 1544, a native of Shang-yii 上虞,Chekiang), was in trouble at this time for his impeachment of Yen Sung (q. v.); Hsu Hsiieh-mo was afraid of complications through confused identity.<break>In 1551 he was appointed a secretary of the bureau of operations in the ministry of War. In that capacity he supervised the erection of lookouts in the suburbs of Peking for the army of Ch'iu Luan (q. v.). Before long, however, he was trans-ferred to the bureau of records in the ministry of Personnel. Later his mother died and he retired to observe the mourning period. When he reported to Peking again he was given a post in the ministry of Rites and by 1555 rose to be a vice director of the bureau of sacrifices. At this time the emperor (Chu Hou-ts'ung, q. y.) was infatuated with religious Taoism. Special forms of literary compositions being required for the oft-held Taoist rituals, the work on them sometimes kept certain officials on duty day and night. As Hsii was proficient and well versed in these forms, his superiors came to rely on him.<break>Appointed prefect of Ching-chou 荆州 in 1559, Hsii Hsiieh-mo began his long service as a local official in Hukuang. He proved himself an able and conscientious administrator, dealing energetically with flood and pestilence, alleviating the burden on the people of an unfair land tax, and suppressing by military force and shrewd tactics a large band of three thousand brigands. Then he risked his own future by protecting the wealthy and strategic district of Sha-shih 沙市 from the attempted encroachment of Chu Tsai-ch'uan, the prince of Ching (see Chu Hou-ts'ung and Chu Tsai-hou). The prince left Peking to take up residence in Te-an 德安，Hukuang, in 1560. In the following year he asked for more land to enlarge his domain. Although Sha-shih was not mentioned in the original petition, the prince wanted it assigned to his estate. Not only did Sha-shih constitute an important part of Ching-chou prefecture, but the people of the district opposed its inclusion under the jurisdiction of the prince. Through his exercise of courage, diplomacy, and argument, Hsii succeeded in bringing about an agreement whereby an annual monetary settlement kept Sha-shih free of the prince's control. This earned him the gratitude of the local inhabitants, who later referred to the district as <<Hsu-shih,, in his honor. The prince, irritated by the rebuff, lodged complaints against Hsii with the result that he lost his post in 1563.<break>In the new Lung~ch'ing reign Hsii was reinstated. After a short term as prefect of Nan-yang 南陽，Honan, he returned to Hukuang as surveillance vice commissioner assigned as intendant of Hsiang-yang 襄 陽.Late in 1568, he became involved in the affairs of another prince, Chu Hsien-chieh (see Chang Chii-cheng), prince of Liao 療王，a seventh generation descendant of Chu Chih 朱植(March 24, 1377-June 4, 1424, Pth.補)，the fifteenth son of the founding emperor. Chu Chih first received a princedom in Liaotung, hence the designation Liao. During the Chien-<break>HSU Hsiieh-mo<break>[586 ]<break>wen period, however, Chu Chih was assigned a domain in Ching-chou, Hukuang. Chu Hsien-chieh, enfeoffed as prince of Liao in 1540, was at first regarded with favor by Emperor Chu Hou-ts'ung, as he professed to revere the Taoist cult as much as the emperor did. Greedy, licentious, and depraved in many ways, Chu Hsien-chieh incurred the hatred of the people, as well as of the local officials and numerous members of the imperial family besides. Repeatedly accused, he eventually was charged with seditious intent. Finally in 1568, degraded to commoner status and his princedom abolished, he was imprisoned inside the “high walls,, （高牆），the place of custody designed for members of the imperial family in their place of origin, Feng-yang 鳳陽.In this case, Hsii Hsiieh-mo was not directly implicated, but as a local official he spoke out for justice against the apparently trumped-up charge of sedition. Later he wrote a biographical account of the last prince of Liao, which was printed in his second collection of literary works. Chu Hsien-chieh used to fancy himself as something of a poet, so he had poets as retainers. One was the eccentric northerner Sung Ch'un-teng 宋春登（T.應元, H.海習，鷲池生，fl. 16th century）, who also happened to be a friend of Hsii and about whom Hsii also wrote a biography. Hsii might, therefore, have received certain information from Sung about the prince.<break>Hsii's promotions came rapidly thereafter; he served successively as surveillance vice commissioner, administration vice commissioner, and vice censor-in-chief and grand-coordinator with headquarters in Yun-yang 郎陽.In 1578 the court summoned him to Peking to be vice minister of Justice. Two years later he became minister of Rites. For over a century the minister of Rites by tradition had been chosen from among Hanlin academicians. Exceptions were few and rare, and Hsii was one of three such cases. His unusual rise to this position is<break>generally believed to have been due to the powerful influence of Chang Chii-cheng （q. v.）, who is said to have appreciated HsiFs fight for Sha-shih againsV the prince of Ching, and for certain favors performed on behalf of Chang's family. Hsii's ability, however, must have been taken into account in this appointment for, in carrying out his duties in the ministry of Rites, he proved to be competent and energetic, and did not fail Chang's trust. After the death of Chang^ Chii-cheng, as Hsu was looked upon as a member of Chang's clique, it was natural that his days in Peking should be numbered. He was forced to retire in the winter of 1583, but without loss of honors. He lived at home for another ten years and died in his seventy-second year.<break>Of Hsii's writings, the Ssu-k'u Imperial Library includes his CKun-cKiu i 春秋億, a work on the Spring and Autumn Annals in 6 chiian, originally a part of his collected literary works, which is reproduced in the Ssu-k'u chen pen 珍本 and the Hsii-shih hai-yu chi 徐氏兩隅集，43 c力.，printed in 1577. Three other works receive notices in the Ssu-k'u catalogue： the Shih-miao chih-yu lu 世廟趣餘錄,26 >., a history of the Chia-ching reign, written after his retirement, first printed in the 1580s and reproduced in Taiwan in 1965; the Wan-li Hu-kuang tsung-chih 萬曆湖廣斜志，a history of Hukuang in 98 chiian, printed in 1591; and a second collection of literary writings, Kuei-yu-yuan kao 歸有園稿，29 c〃.， printed in 1593 just before his death. Chiian 11 of the last mentioned work, which bears the chapter heading Chu-hsieh 塵諧，was later reprinted in the Pao-yen-fang pi-chi 寳顏堂祕笈 with the title Kuei-yu-yiian chu-fan 塵談.Hsii also annotated the Lao-tzu, which, entitled Lao-tzu chieh 老子解，was printed in 1965 in Taiwan as no. 81 of the collection of 140 works on Lao-tzu, the Wu-cKiu-pei-chai Lao-tzu chi-cKen^ cKu-pien 無求備齋 老子集成初編 compiled by Yen Ling-feng 嚴靈栗 As helpful as the Ssu-k'u notices often are, if one has no opportunity of<break>[587]<break>HSU Hung-ju<break>examining the items described, one may be misled. In Hsii's case, the Shih-miao chih-yu lu and his two collections of literary writings are actually more valuable as sources on Ming history than the notices infer.<break>In dealing with this period of history one cannot avoid the feeling that many Ming officials were petty and biased, their political fights often unsavory. In the Chu Hsien-chieh affair, the consensus was that Chang Chii-cheng's vendetta caused the prince's downfall. If this be true, and Hsii Hsiieh-mo once spoke in defense of the degenerate prince, this would put Hsii and Chang on opposite sides, which is contrary to fact.<break>Hsii's biography is not included in the Hsien-cheng /〃， the outstanding collection compiled by Chiao Hung (ECCP); nor did the Ming-shih accord him a biography. His contemporaries, however, honored him with epitaphs and eulogies. These include Kuo Cheng-yii, Shen Shih-hsing (the father-in-law of Hsii's daughter), Wang Hsi-chiieh, and Feng Shih・k'o (qq. v.)・ Even the Ming wai-shih 明外史， as quoted in the T'u-shu chi-cKen^, allotted considerable space to him.
LI Liu-fang李流芳(T.茂宰，長鶴 H.香 海，泡庵，愼娛居士, etc.), 1575-1629, painter, calligrapher, and poet, came from a family located in She 歙-hsien (Anhwei), but is generally considered a native of Chia-ting 嘉定，northwest of Shanghai. After qualifying for the chu-jen in 1606 (along with Ch'ien Ch，ien-i, ECCP), he went to Peking to try for the higher degree, but was passed over. On a second attempt he failed to reach the capital on time because of travel conditions; so in 1622, at a time when Wei Chung-hsien (ECCP) was making life difficult for all officials not subservient to his will, he abandoned the effort to become a bureaucrat, and devoted himself to artistic and literary activity. He made a home for himself and his mother at Nan-hsiang 南翔，near Chia-ting, and laid out a garden known as Pan-yuan 檀園 (Sandalwood Gardens). Here he wrote and painted and entertained his friends. He loved to travel to scenic places, especially to the West Lake in Hangchow, where he often conversed with Buddhist monks in the temples and boatmen on the lake. His collected work is entitled T^an-yuan chi 集，12 cA.; it includes poems (said to number 360), written after ancient and modern styles, 6 c瓦； miscellaneous essays, 4 ch., and colophons copied from scrolls of paintings, 2 c〃. It was printed in 1629, and reprinted 1689. Though partially condemned in the 18th century for its inclusion of his biography and tomb inscription, both by Ch'ien<break>Ch'ien-i, it still survives. “These passages extracted,n wrote the critic, “the balance of the book may be saved.,, So it came to be copied into the Imperial Library, and received favorable treatment by the editors of the Ssu-k^u Catalogue. Both the National Library pf Peiping and the Naikaku Bunko possess original editions. Another short contribution of his, which may be found in his T"an-yuan chi as well as in several collectanea, such as the Mei-shu 美 術 ts'ung-shu, is the Hsi-hu wo-yu fu fi-pa 齿湖臥遊圖題跋(colophons on the paintings of one who delights in touring the West Lake through the medium of paintings), 1 ch. When Hsieh San-pin 謝三賓 (T.象三，H.賓山，cs 1625) was serving as magistrate of Chia-ting (1625), he printed a collection of the poetry of T'ang Shih-sheng 唐時升(T.叔達，1551/636), Lou Chien 婁堅 (T・ 子柔，1567-1631), Ch七ng Chia-sui (ECCP), and Li Liu-fang, entitling it Chia-ting ss〃 hsien-sheng chi 四先生集(Anthology of the four masters of Chia-ting).<break>Li was a popular artist and the subjects of his brush are widely known. John C. Ferguson lists 78 entries under his name and Osvald Siren over 50, the earliest being dated 1589 and the latest 1628. [Editors* note： Siren's first date would make the painter fourteen. Hsii Pang-ta (see Lu Chih) writes that the first acceptable painting by Li is dated 1610; he agrees with Siren on 1628 for the last] An album of six of his landscapes, now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, may serve as an example of his work. “T】e subjects treated,w write K. Tomita and A. K. Chiu, “are based on short verses by poets of the T'ang dynasty. To accompany the pictures, which illustrated such themes as are expressed in the verses, the artist himself copied on the paintings the complete poems." The album includes, inter alia, an encomium by his old friend Ch'ien Ch'ien-i (written in 1641), together with the inscription for Li's tomb. “He was fond of fine natural scenery. Wherever he went, poetry and wine, brush and<break>[839]<break>LI Man-chu<break>ink, followed him. He always satisfied the wishes of his friends and admirers by executing pictures. In paintings he drew his inspiration from Yuan masters, especially from Wu Chung-kuei [Wu Chen, 1280-1354]."(Trans, of Tomita and Chiu.) [Editors* note： It is ironic that the words of Ch'ien, ordered expunged in the 1780s, were copied into the imperial encylopedia of the 1720s, the Ku-chin fu-shu chi-cWeng. and not tampered with there.]<break>Li had two brothers and a son who were also gifted. His eldest brother was Li Yuan-fang 元芳(T.茂初)，skilled in writing prose and poetry. A collection of his poems was graced by a preface written by Ch'eng Chia-sui, who praised his gifts. The next, Li Ming-fang 居芳(T.茂材)，a good prose writer at an early age, became a chin-shih in 1592, was appointed a Hanlin bachelor, but died prematurely at the age of twenty-eight. Li Liu-fang's son, named Li Hang-chih 硕之(T.僧接), whose techniques in painting and calligraphy resembled his father's, perished at the hands of the Manchu soldiery in 1645.
SAMBIASI, Francesco (Chinese name: Pi Fang-chi 畢方濟，T.今梁)， 1582-January, 1649, Christian missionary, was born at Cosenza, near Naples. After entering the Society of Jesus (October, 1602) and completing his studies, he left for the East in 1609, and arrived in Macao in 1610. Besides studying Chinese he taught mathematics for a year, and was then (1613) dispatched to Peking. When the persecution against the Catholics broke out in 1616 and 1617 (see Shen Ch’iieh)， he first sought refuge, along with Nicolo Longobardi (q.v.), in the home of Hsii Kuang-ch’i ( ECCP) and next in Hangchow in the residence of Yang T’ing-yiin (ECCP). In the meantime, with raids across the boundaries of both China and Korea becoming more serious, Hsii made the proposal (1619) to the throne that he be sent as envoy to Korea to strengthen the hands of the Koreans in their efforts to repel the Manchus, and further suggested to Sambiasi that he accompany him and work towards the conversion of the king and his court. Although the proposal seems at first to have been favorably received, and all preparations made for departure, it was eventually disallowed on the ground that Hsii’s services could ill be spared.<break>In 1621，instead of returning to Macao as he had planned, Sambiasi accepted the invitation of Sun Yiian-hua (ECCP), a native of Chia-ting 嘉定 (near Shanghai), to take up his residence there in a commodious establishment which Sun turned over to him. Here he was able to instruct a number of pupils undisturbed by the dirsuptive events going on in' Nanking and elsewhere. This too became the center of Chinese studies of certain new members of the mission (see Lazzaro Cattaneo). After a few years, possibly due to overwork and refusal to take care of himself, Sambiasi fell gravely ill in 1628, and his associates thought that the end had come. He rallied, however, and was sent inland bound for Shensi. En route he stopped at Kaifeng at the home of a merchant who<break>[1151]<break>SAMBIASI, Francesco<break>had been converted, and remained to establish a church. Among the friends he made there was the prince of Fu, Chu Ch'ang-hsiin (see Cheng Kuei-fei). His next post (1634) was in Nanking, a center made difficult by the deep-roQted antagonism of Shen Ch'iieh and his supporters. It was Hsii Kuang・ch'i, eager to reestablish the church in Nanking, who conceived the idea of sending him there on imperial business—it was one of his last acts, as he died at the end of 1633. By appointing Sambiasi to serve as a member of the astronomical bureau, Hsii hoped that he would be protected from official interference. Sambiasi was assigned such tasks as the observation of the eclipses and improvement of the calendar. At the end of 1639 he presented to the emperor, Chu Yu-chien (ECCP), Hsing p'ing 星屛(Map of the stars) and Yu 輿 p'ing (Geographical map), together with a number of other gifts including a clock which sounded the hours, a convex lens for concentrating solar rays, a clepsydra, and a telescope/ In spite of official involvements he found time to continue evangelistic work over a wide area in thb lower Yangtze valley.<break>On the collapse of the Ming in north China (1644), Prince Chu .Yu-sung (ECCP), who became “administrator of the realm” and then emperor in Nanking, and who had become acquainted with the Jesuit in Kaifeng, invited Sambiasi to serve as his representative in securing help from the Portuguese in Macao. No objection being raised by the authorities, both civil and religious, to such an appointment, the missionary left in March for Canton, accompanied by a considerable entourage of officials, scholars, and soldiers. Although the prince was taken captive in June while the embassy was still on its way, the )latter continued on its course, and was received in Macao with appropriate honors. Sambiasi bided his time, however, before presenting his cause, awaiting orders from Chu Yu・ sung's successor, Chu Yu-chien, who<break>proclaimed himself emperor in Foochow in August, 1645. This prince, who had become acquainted with Sambiasi some twenty years earlier, when he was living in Ch'ang-shu 常熟(near Soochow) as a guest of Ch5u Shih-ssu (ECCP), confirmed him in his powers, and sent him a very friendly letter (dated February 19, 1646) inviting him to serve not only as ambassador but also as adviser. Sambiasi agreed to the first, but refused to become his minister. Instead he received permission to establish a church and residence in Canton. With the help of the eunuch P'ang T'ien・shou (ECCP, p. 195), this was accomplished just before the seizure of the city by the Manchus (January 20, 1647). He nearly lost his life at the time but was saved by a servant. For two more years he lived on, laboring in the nearby villages. On his death he was buried outside the north gate of the city with unusual pomp, ordered by the then reigning Ming sovereign, Chu Yu-lang (ECCP).<break>Sambiasi left several works, most of them in Chinese. It is said that one of them, Ling-yen li shuo 靈言蠡勺,2 cA., a treatise on the human soul, printed in 1624, which he dictated to Hsii Kuang-ch'i, brought about the conversion a century later of Surgiyen (see Sunu, ECCP), a member of the Manchu imperial clan. He also composed two short colloquies on sleep and allegorical pictures, Shui hua er ta 睡畫二答 (1629), which contains a preface by Li Chih-tsao (ECCP); it deals with the laws of perspective.
WANG Shih-chen 王世貞(T.元美，H.鳳 洲，算州山人)，December 8, 1526-1590, official and man of letters, was a native of T'ai-ts'ang 太倉,Nan-Chihli. He came from a distinguished family. His grandfather, Wang Ch0王倬(T.用檢，H.質菴)， a chin-shih of 1478, rose to be right vice minister of War in Nanking. Wang Shih-cherfs father, Wang Yii 王妤(T.民應，H. 思質，1507-November 17, 1560, cj 1531, cs 1541), served from 1552 to 1554 as assistant censor-in-chief and director of the coastal defense of Chekiang which was then being subjected to frequent raids by pirates. He next became governor of Shansi and a year later was appointed supreme commander of Chi-Liao in charge of frontier defenses north and northeast of Peking. When the imperial forces suffered a def eat by the Mongols in April, 1559, permitting the invaders to breach the Great Wall near Hsi・feng・k'ou 喜峯口 and plunder that area for five days, Wang Yii and several generals were held responsible for the disaster and sentenced to death. There are stories asserting that the reason for this harsh punishment of Wang Yii was the hostility between his son, Wang Shih-chen, and the chief minister of that time, Yen Sung (q.l), who together with his son,、Yen Shih-fan, had been looking for a pretext to destroy the Wang family. Wang Shih-chen personally appealed for mercy, but in vain, and late in 1560 his father was executed by imperial order. Only after Chu Tsai-hou (q.v.) ascended the throne and redeemed many who had been condemned during Yen Sung's heyday was Wang Yii posthumously rehabilitated (1567) in answer to a new petition of Wang Shih-chen. Twenty years later (1587), again on the son's request, Wang Yii was posthumously granted the title of minister of War.<break>It is said that at the early age of six Wang Shih-chen had memorized an astonishing number of characters. When only seventeen years of age, he passed the provincial examination and in 1547 he became chin-shih. Succeeding at the same<break>WANG Shih-chen<break>[1400]<break>time were Yang Chi-sheng, Chang Chii-cheng (qq.v.), and the poet Li Hsien-fang 李先芳(T.伯承,H.東岱，北山，1511-94). Wang was at first named to a post in the Grand Court of Revision. In 1548 he was appointed an assistant secretary of the ministry of Justice. He stayed in Peking for about ten years, rising in rank in the ministry until in 1556 he received a transfer to the post of surveillance vice commissioner at Ch5ing-chou 靑州，Shantung, where he arrived in 1557.<break>During his stay in Peking he laid the basis for his literary fame. On the recommendation of Li Hsien-fang in 1549, he joined a literary circle typical of the Ming period. Besides Li some of the members were Wang Tsung-mu (q.v.), Wu Wei-yiieh吳維嶽(T.峻伯，H.霽寰，1514-69, cs 1538), and the Hou-ch，i-tzu 後七子 (seven later masters) including in addition to Wang Shih-chen, Hsieh Chen (see Hsii Chung-hsing), Tsung Ch'en (q.v.), Liang Yu-yii (see Huang Tso), Hsii Chung-hsing, and Wu Kuo-lun, as well as Li PJan-lung (qg.v.)・ At that time the leader of the group was Li P'an-lung, who already enjoyed a considerable reputation and who fascinated Wang Shih-chen (twelve years his junior) with his literary theories and his writings. Wang was obviously singled out by Li as the most talented. The backgrounds of the two men had been quite different, geographically and socially； this became evident only much later in the literary field, but until the death of Li P^n-lung in 1570 they collaborated in close friendship. Wang gradually became known in the capital and attracted the attention of higher officials. Together with Li, he became one of the leading figures of the renaissance movement, known as return to ancient style 古文辭運動.The ideas of this classicist school gradually gained acceptance. Its members condemned the contemporary fai-ko style (sen Yang Shih ・ch'i and Li Tung-yang) as well as the pa-ku-wen 八股文 style of the examination hall, in consequence of which the<break>literature of Sung Confucianism also came to be slighted. They advocated the “return to the ancient,, and “revival of the ancient,w taking as a model for prose the Ch'in・Han period and as model for poetry the Han, Wei, and mid-Tang period. Thoughts which already had been formulated one generation earlier by Li Meng-yang, Ho Ching-ming (qg・v・)，and others were now further developed. This preceding classicistic group became known as the Ch'ien 前-ch'i-tzu (seven early masters) of the Ming.<break>Around this time the dominant figure on the political scene was the chief minister Yen Sung. He tried to attract men of literary fame and to bring them under his influence, among them Wang Shih-chen, who, however, refused to take part in the general servility. In 1554 open hostility between Wang and Yen Sung broke out. Wang's friend, Yang Chi-sheng, second secretary in the War ministry, had presented a memorial to the emperor on the “ten major transgressions and five infamies” of Yen Sung, in which he boldly castigated the minister; as a consequence he was imprisoned and executed in 1555. Wang stood by him, defended him, and finally arranged for his burial. The result was that Yen Sung twice barred Wang's promotion and arranged to have him transferred to Ch'ing-chou, a prefecture notorious for its lawlessness.<break>The condemnation of his father in 1559 certainly left a deep mark on Wang. He immediately resigned and not only spent the “three years of mourning” in his native place but remained there until the enthronement of Chu Tsai-hou in 1567, in spite of the fact that Yen had been overthrown in 1562. During those years he began to design his gardens, which later became famous. The first of these was a small one laid out beside his dwelling within the town walls and was named Li-tzu-yiian 離賛園 (garden to keep off thorns). A second garden of about eleven acres was built inside the west gate<break>[1401]<break>WANG Shih-chen<break>of T'ai-ts'ang, in which he erected a pavilion for his collection of sutras. At first this garden received the Buddhist name of Hsiao-chih-lin 小祇林 or Hsiao-chih-yiian 園， but later this was changed to Yen-shan 算山 yiian.<break>After the rehabilitation of his father, for which occasion he returned (1567) for a brief time to the capital, Wang went back to his native place. In 1568 he accepted the position of surveillance vice commissioner in Ta-ming 大名，Pei-Chihli. Here he stayed only a few months during the autumn and winter, because by the end of that year he received orders to transfer to Wu-hsing 吳興，Chekiang, to replace Li P'an-lung. In 1570 Wang was promoted to surveillance commisioner in Shansi, but held the post barely three months, for he returned home late that year due to his mother's illness. After her death three years of mourning followed. Between 1573 and 1576 he held the posts of surveillance commissioner of Hukuang (1573), president of the Court of the Imperial Stud (1574), and governor at Yun-yang 鄙陽(1574-76). When in the autumn of 1576 he was called to take the position of president of the Grand Court of Revision, the censor Yang Chieh 楊節(cs 1568) denounced him, forcing him to renounce the post. The same thing happened when he was nominated as prefect of Nanking. On imperial order he had to return home, where he stayed for more than a decade.<break>It is highly likely that the frequent transfers of Wang, which undermined his influence, as well as the denunciation by Yang, were due to Chang Chii-cheng. Contemporary biographers indicate this. The Ming-shih and other notices record that Wang brought about the condemnation of the younger brother of Chang Chii-cheng's wife and covertly accused Chang Chii-cheng himself of being responsible for the earthquake in Ching-chou. The main reason for this mutual hostility, however, was probably that Wang, as a well-known and independent scholar, exert-<break>ed considerable power; and a person in Chang Chii-cheng's position was constrained to destroy this power as soon as it ran into conflict with his own interests. Wang seems to have written in a derogatory way about Chang, going so far, it is said, as to describe the latter's indulgence in carnal debauchery in a letter to his friends in the capital. In addition he once remarked that such a man would bring disaster to the empire. (Compare Wang飞 biography of Chang Chii-cheng in Chia-ching i-lai nei-ko shou-fu chuan 嘉靖 以來內閣首輔傳，chuan 7 and 8.)<break>About this time Wang Shih-chen had begun to make an earnest study of Buddhist and Taoist thought. He wrote at one point： “Earlier I said that there is nothing to add to the Way of the saints. Now, however, I realize that there is something, the sutras of the Buddha,^ {Yen-chou-shan-jen ssu-pu kao 四部稿，139/14b). When he was in T'ai-ts'ang where his brother and his friend, Wang Hsi-chueh (q.v.), were living, he became a devotee of the lattens daughter, a Taoist known by the name of T'an-yang tzu (see Wang Tao-chen), whom the three often went to see in 1580. Wang Shih-chen called himself her disciple and wrote her biography after her death. All three devotees were accused of heterodoxy in 1581. Although this matter was not pursued any further, this also may be one of the deeper reasons for the hostility between Chang Chii-cheng and Wang Shih-chen. At this period Wang was in his fifties; he was the most influential literary figure of the time, and he had many followers, besides being an official of some note.<break>In 1584 Wang declined a nomination as right vice minister of Justice in Nanking but four years later accepted the appointment as right vice minister of War in Nanking, probably persuaded by Wang Hsi-chiieh. He had completed in 1589 the required years for rank 3a. When promoted to be minister of Justice in the southern capital, he obtained the rank 2a. At that moment, however, the censor Huang<break>WANG Shih-chen<break>[1402]<break>Jen-jung 黃仁榮(cj 15切)， an enemy of his fbr some time, denounced him, accusing him of dishonesty, reminding the court that Wang several times had had charges brought against him while he was holding rank 3a and so did not in fact serve a full term. In spite of this he was permitted to retain his rank and office, but he requested permission to retire. In the spring of 1590 his third petition was finally accepted. He died that autumn.<break>Wang had three sons, Wang Shih-ch’i 士‘駿 (b. 1554，cs 1589), Wang Shih-su 士 騸 (1566-1601)， and Wang Shih-chun 士 駿 (1569-97). His great grandson, Wang Chien (ECCP), became known as a landscape painter. Wang Shih-chen’s brother Wang Shih-mou (分.v.)，was also a scholarofficial, and the brothers lived in a close and productive relationship.<break>Wang Shih-chen’s literary output consists of some thirty titles, .some of which are attributed to him, but apparently are not his work, for even during his own day publishers seem to have used his name for the purpose of increased sales. In any case his extraordinary productivity may be regarded as a significant feature of his life. Thus the editors of the Imperial Catalogue write： “Since ancient times nobody has surpassed him in abundance of writings.” Some two thirds of his collected works are in the field of belles-lettres; his historical publications amount to another third; moreover, we find books on painting and calligraphy. Creative writings, criticism, and scholarly compilations are included. All of them reveal his broad education, his versatility, and the range of his talentIs. In the history of Ming literature he is ranked as the most prominent representative of the classicist school. Li P’an-lung introduced him to the school but Li was mainly concerned with promoting the ideas of his predecessor Li Meng-yang. It was Wang Shih-chen^ remarkable accomplishment that he combined the northern and southern literary styles by adjusting the classicist tendency to the literary taste of the<break>south. He himself was a typical representative of the gentry-culture of the south, which may explain the influential position which he held throughout twenty years<break>(from the death of Li P’an-lung in 1570 until his own passing). He was a poet who exerted an enormous influence in his own time and even on later Japanese scholars such as Ogyu Sorai 荻生徂徠(1666-1728) and Hattori Nankaku 服部南郭(1683-1759)，a disciple of Sorai. As a youth he was passionate and arrogant, refusing to curry the favor of high officials and courageous enough even to oppose them. When he went to the north, he readily accepted the theories of the classicist school which were more in accordance with the austerity of the northern culture than with the over-refined literary culture of the south as developed after the Sung period. It so happened that both Li P’an-lung and Li Meng-yang were men from the north. Because Wang’s cultural level was above that of Li P’an-lung， he did not promote the ideas of the classicist school as rigidly as did Li, and after the latter’s death, he gradually parted from the original ideas of this school. o<break>Wang, due to his more systematic way of thinking, was better able to formulate a new line of poetics than was Li P’an-lung. One of the most important and best-known books among his critical writings on poetry is I-yilan chih-yen 藝苑 jg言 which later was included as chiian 144-55 in his Yen-chou-shan-jen ssu-pu kao. This work reveals Wang clearly as a follower of the classicist school; not surprisingly since the main part of it was written during his collaboration with Li, six chiian being composed between 1558 and 1565，and two additional chiian as well as four supplementary chiian being completed by 1572. Here the ko-tiao 格調 theory (or style based on the poetry of the Han, Wei, and mid-T’ang) is clearly manifested. While Wang in this work paid homage to Li P’an-lung， he gently criticised him, by making such remarks as<break>[1403]<break>WANG Shih-chen<break>"plagiarism and imitation are great illnesses in poetry.''<break>In 1576, while at Yun-yang,Wang Shih-chen completed his outstanding work, Yen-chou-shan-jen ssu-pu kao, 174 ch., which contains a preface dated 1577 by Wang Tao-k'un (q.v・)； the four sections are: fu, shih, wen, shuo 賦詩文說. Later it was supplemented by the Hsu-kao 續稿，207 c力.，edited by Wang Shih-chen's grandson, printed during the Ch'ung-chen period. These two works seem unquestionably his. The slow change in Wang's attitude towards the theory of the classicist school can easily be discovered by reference to the above-mentioned work and to the Yen-chou-shan-jen tu-shu hou 讀書後，8 c%., edited by Ch'en Chi-ju (ECCP) at the end of the Ming. Now Wang stated that the mere return to the ancients as had been demanded by Li Meng-yang and Li P'an-hing was not sufficient; basically, however, he remained a classicist. Wang also acknowledged the transformation of poetic forms during the difFerent periods. He appreciated a poet like Po Chu-i (772-846) whom Li P'an-lung had completely neglected, and he warmly praised the poems of Su Tung-p'o (1037-1101) as shown by the preface to his own Su Chang-kung wai-chi 蘇長公外 紀，10 ch. Su was a poet whom Li P'an-lung had condemned as well. The official biography in the Ming-shih illustrates this development in Wang's thinking with the following anecdote: "When Wang Shih-chen was seriously ill, Liu Feng 劉鳳 (T.子威，cs 1544) visited him and saw in his hands a book of Su Tung-p，o, which he zealously read and did not put aside." In his later life Wang did not deny a certain merit even in a contemporary opponent like Kuei Yu-kuang (q.v.), who once had called him pretentious and mediocre.<break>The renaissance movement may be credited with the promotion of Ch'in and Han works such as the Shih-chi. Wang indeed took an active part in this revival of classical literature. Indirectly this group<break>also contributed to an increased esteem for literature by emphazising that it was the highest human accomplishment. As a result of this, fiction and drama enjoyed a prestige unknown before. Doubtless Wang was in contact with this movement; this may be concluded from the famous anecdote that he was the author of the novel Chin P'ing Mei 金瓶梅 and the drama Ming-feng chi 鳴鳳記.Possibly he had some connection with the writing of this play which deals in detail with the intrigues of Yen Sung and his son Yen Shih-fan as well as with the sufferings of their victims, such as Hsia Yen (q.v.) and Yang Chi-sheng. It vividly pictures the history and society of those days, a characteristic almost unique in the drama of that time, which was concerned largely with love affairs. [Editors* note: For English translations of the Chin P'ing Mei (partial and complete) see T'ien-yi Li, Chinese Fiction (New Haven, 1968), 122; for a brief discussion of the Ming-feng> chi, see Josephine Huang Hung, Ming Drama (Taipei, 1966), 124.]<break>Among his other writings special mention may be made of Wan-wei yii-pien 宛委餘編，which is included in the Ssu-pu kao. Wang's collected poems are in this and also in the Ssu-pu hsu-kao. According to Yoshikawa Kojirb 吉川幸次郞，"the style of many of Wang?s poems, as well as that of Li P'an-lung, is somewhat stiff because both followed ancient patterns. But in contrast to Li, Wang's style is more flexible and picturesque, indicating his multifarious talents.” Wang, for example, wrote some poems in the style of Po Chii-i. Most of Wang's historical writings are concerned with the Ming period. One may take it for granted that Wang made it his business to record historical events frankly and truthfully as he saw them, especially the happenings of his own time. As a result a number of his books came to be listed for partial or complete censorship in the 18th century； fortu-nately, copies of most have survived. A-mong his works in this genre are the Yen-<break>WANG Shih-chen<break>[1404]<break>shan-fang pieh-chi 算山堂別集，100 ch. (preface dated 1590; also included in<break>Ssu-pu kao), th彩 first version of which was copied into the Imperial Library. According to the nien-p'u by Ch'ien Ta-hsin (ECCP), it was written in 1558. It is an important work on state affairs of the Ming period. Others are the Chia-ching i-lai shou-fu chuan, 8 c%. (preface of 1617), which treats the grand secretaries of the Chia-ching, Lung-ch'ing, and Wan-li periods (1522 to his own time), the Chin-i chih 錦衣志，1 ch., which deals with the Embroidered-uniform Guard, its leading officers and their practices, and the Ku-pu-ku lu 飢不飢錄，a collection of miscellaneous notes on the Ming dynasty, which the editors of the Ssu-k'u catalogue considered of importance to historians. The library of Columbia University is fortunate in possessing Ming editions of the following: Yen-chou shan-jen ssu-pu-kao (printed 1577), Yen-chou shan-jen tu-shu-hou, Yen-shan-fang pieh-chi (1590), Yen-chou shih-liao 史料，30 ch., and Yen-chou shih-liao hou-chi 後集，100 ch., the last two being edited by Tung Fu-piao 董 復表 and printed in 1614.<break>Wang's concern wtih the arts is shown in the compilations Wang-shih hua-yuan 畫苑，10 c/l, 4 supplementary chiian by Chan Ching-feng 舊景鳳(T.車圖,H.后 岳山人)，and Wang-shih shu-yiian 書苑，12 ch., with 8 supplementary chiian by Chan Ching-feng. Both serve as important refer-ence works for the history of Chinese art. An example of a work attributed to him spuriously is the Shih-shuo hsin-yu pu 世 說新語補,20 ch. (preface 1586)? which is a combination of the collection of anecdotes by Liu I-ch'ing (403-44) and the Ho-shih yu-lin by Ho Liang-chun (q.v.). Through the influence of Ogyu Sorai this book came to be widely read in Japan.
WANG Shih-mou王世懋(T.敬美，H.麟 洲I，東牆生，損齋)，1536-August 5 (?) 1588, official, calligrapher, and man of letters, was a native of T'ai-ts'ang 太倉，northwest of Shanghai. He came from a prominent clan which for generations produced degree holders and officials. A story about his childhood relates that when his elder brother, Wang Shih-chen (q.v.), passed the provincial examination, Wang Shih-mou, then only seven, used to get up very early to study, explaining when asked that he did not want to lag behind his brother. At the age of nine he contracted tuberculosis which affected his health throughout his life. His father Wang Yii (see Wang Shih-chen) refrained from pressing him in his studies but the boy worked hard anyway, an attitude which delighted his father. Some years later he became a student' in the National University in Peking, passing the provincial examination at the capital in 1558, and the chin-shih in the following year. Not long afterwards his father, for his defeat at the Luan River 猱河，was lodged in prison to await execution. Wang Shih-mou and his elder brother did their utmost to save him but to no avail. After their father's death, he and his brother stayed at home for about ten years. During this period he devoted himself to writing poetry and came to be considered a rising star in the literary circles of his day.<break>His reentry into civil service came one year after Emperor Chu Tsai-hou (q.v.) came to the throne. He received an appointment as a secretary in the bureau of ceremonies in the ministry of Rites, at Nanking. Shortly after he assumed office he achieved a certain reputation for criticizing the chief military commissioner in Nanking, Hsii P5eng-chu 徐鵬擧，the duke of Wei 魏國公(enf. 1519, d. March 9, 1570), for the latter's attempt to make the son of his concubine his heir rather than the son by his first wife. In 1570 he was ordered transferred to a vice directorship in the ministry of Rites, but<break>Empress Liu (d. 1615), mother of Chu Yu-chiao and Empress Wang (d. 1619), mother of Chu Yu-chien (1611-44)<break>Chu yu-chiao (1605-27)<break>Plate 11<break>賜期先生漠<break>陽明九生歩貫盜骤甲£有<帯實#垂小賓河顏d界人若孑 -故亦9擎僧11俛弟M何金生洪却老比 • 先<髙九修值侈類長熙沔工/-%苗京;警嚼擁吓景2傍便m方榊邊 ^^^^^ ^ ^.^ ^5 ^,T^ t.-^^^^^^^ si- ' IL行星2诸£崇拱(2靑月没发;1卷本齐£十.<由礼題S.:<break>^Tt^K^ ^^ toy 备女<break>Wang Shoujen (1472-1529) by Chen Hung-shou (1599-1652), dated 1646<break>Plate 12<break>[1407]<break>WANG Shih-mou<break>was forced to decline because of illness. On his way home he received the news of his mother's death.<break>He returned to the ministry of Rites after the mourning period to fill a vacancy in the bureau of sacrifices. Later he became assistant minister in the seal office. Having only light official duties, he spent much of his time associating with men of letters, and formed a literary society. In 1576 he received the appointment of assistant administration commissioner of Kiangsi province, where he proved himself an able official. A censor who was impressed by his ability took him on tour to Kiukiang and Jao-chou 饒州 to assist in administrative business before the governor arrived. After that he was promoted to be provincial surveillance vice commissioner in charge of postal service in the lower reaches of the Yangtze valley； this was not an easy assignment and required a competent man. Wang proved able to control his staff effectively and reduce corruption. In the autumn of 1579 he was entrusted with the supervision of the provincial examination in Kiangsi. His fairness won him a promotion to be educational director in Shensi in the following year.<break>In 1580 he and his brother became devotees of the Taoist daughter of Wang Hsi-chiieh (q.v.)・ Although the accusation of heterodoxy lodged against them later caused them no real trouble, Wang Shih-mou felt obliged to resign his post. He retired to his native town in October, 1581, where he erected a villa called Fan-yuan 澹園，and devoted himself to writing and to gardening.<break>Three year later, due to his brother's urging, Wang accepted another appointment as educational director, this time in Fukien, a province where his father had participated in the defense against Japanese pirates in 1550. So he came to this area with a sense of mission, one purpose being to find young men of talent. He withstood the temptations of bribery, giving himself over during his first three months to reading papers of the provincial examina-<break>tion. This led him to be very careful to show no favoritism towards those whose family members were people of influence. He came to develop a genuine interest in Fukien. The customs of the local people, the activities of their literary circles, the mountain scenery, and the variety of the province's flowers, trees, and fruits (over eighty are mentioned)—all these he lucidly recorded in his Min-pu shu 閩部疏，Hsiieh-〃'〃 tsa-shu 學圃雜疏,and other writings. He is said also to have protected Lin Chao-en (q.v.), known for his advocacy of the heterodox doctrine of three religions in one.<break>Shortly after his transfer to be administration vice commissioner in the Fukien provincial administration office, Wang was called to Peking to be chief minister in the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. Unfortunately ill health cut short his career. He returned home in the winter of 1587 and died a few months later.<break>His writings, collected and printed by his brother, were entitled Wang Feng-cWang chi 奉常集 (poetry, 15 ch., prose, 54 c%.); the book contains three prefaces, dated 1589, by Wu Kuo-lun (q.v.), Li Wei-chen (see Hsieh Chao-che), and Ch'en Wen-chu (see Wu Ch'eng-en). His work of literary criticism, I-p'u hsieh yii 秋圃撷 餘，and fifty-eight prefaces written for the books of certain friends, which are included in the above, deserve special mention. So too do others published during his lifetime, later collected under the title Wang Feng-cWang tsa-chu 雜著.Practically all of his writings (fifteen in number) are listed in the Imperial Catalogue, but only one, the 7-p'〃 hsieh yii, was thought worthy of inclusion in the Ssu-k'u cKuan-shu\ another, the K'uei-fien wai-c"e〃g 窺天外乘(1 c%.), drew the criticism of other officials of the Ch'ien-lung era who ordered that a certain passage be torn out and burned. More recently, however, his descriptions of life, activities, and products of Fukien have received more favorable attention. Dr. Joseph Needham, for example, has noted his description of<break>WANG Shoujen<break>[1408]<break>paper makers ill Fukien who “mounted their trip-hammers in boats each with two water-wheels and furiously pounded away by the aid of the fast-flowing current of their rivers.” Dr. Walter Swingle has remarked on his early (1587) description of maize in China. And Philip K. Reynolds and Mrs. C. Y. Fang have dilated on his comments on the varieties of the banana plant in Fukien; the mei-jen-chiao 美人蕉 of Foochow, Wang asserted, was the most beautiful in the banana family. He was noted too for his excellent calligraphy-<break>Wang had four sons and four daughters. His youngest daughter became the wife of the son of Chao Yung-hsien (d v・)・
"WANG Tao-chen 王壽貞(childhood name Kuei 桂)，December 30, 1558-October 17, 1580, better known by her religious appellation T'an-yang-tzu 曇陽子,was a native of T'ai-ts'ang, Soochow, the second of three daughters of Wang Hsi-chiieh (q.v.) and an elder sister of Wang Heng (see Wang Hsi-chiieh). Her short life, filled with mystery and alleged miracles, ended with the announcement that she had ascended to immortality without passing through the stage of death. It is even said that both her names, Tao-chen and T'an-yang-tzu, were given to her by the immortals with whom she was associated before her own ascension.<break>The literature about T'an-yang-tzu is abundant, but factual data are scarce. It is also difficult to separate fact from fancy, intentional ambiguity from sincere belief, prejudicial judgment from reasonable conclusion. There are two biographies of Wang Tao-chen, one by the well-known and prolific writer Wang Shih-chen (q.v.), entitled T'an-yang ta-shih chuan 大師億，which has been highly publicized<break>and frequently ref erred to; the other, and little known and seldom mentioned, is by Fan Shou-chi (q.v.), under the title T'an-yan^ hsien 仙-s/i法 chuan. Both men were older contemporaries but called themselves her disciples. While Wang Shih-chen was a good friend of her father, Fan was also an acquaintance. Apparently the materials for the biographies were supplied by Wang Hsi-chiieh. Besides the T'an-yang ta-shih chuan, Wang Shih-chen wrote the Chin-mu chi 金母紀 and the T'an-luan 鸞 ta-shih chi to supplement and to clarify certain allusions made in the principal biography. These accounts contain so much that is mystical, mysterious, and necromantic that they leave the reader with many questions and a great deal of doubt.<break>T'an-yang-tzu's life may be sketched as follows. It is said that as a child she did not enjoy the favor of her parents. An early engagement of a daughter was the ^custom of the day, yet her mother delayed it. Finally she was betrothed to Hsii Ching-shao 徐景韶(d. 1574), a son of Hsii TYng-kuan 廷裸(cs 1559), then provincial assistant administration commissioner of Chekiang. Just before the marriage was to take place in 1574, her fiance died. It is said that at first her parents tried to hide the news from her, but she told them that she had been aware of it before the messenger arrived. She then asked to be considered as HsuJs widow.<break>Ming society was a paradoxical one in many ways. On one hand, under certain circumstances, there was widespread indulgence in sensual activities; on the other, the Confucian ideal of chastity was upheld. For a wife to take her life shortly after her husband's death, or for a betrothed girl to refuse to marry another if her fiance died, was always considered to be an honorable act, especially by the scholar-official class. In some cases, the girl being young and innocent, it was the parents who consciously or unconsciously made the decision. In such a situation, because of their possible feeling of guilt,<break>WANG Tao-chen<break>[1426]<break>the parents often became indulgent and permiissive. Under the pretext of lack of space in her father’s official residence in Peking, situated near the National University, T’an-yang-tzu begged for private quarters for herself; so in 1574 a small separate unit was built for her adjacent to the main house, and she began to lead a religious life of her own design. After living in Peking for some fifteen years, she returned with her grandparents to T’ai-ts’ang. A year later her father, anticipating antagonism from the powerful minister, Chang Chii-cheng (q.v.), retired from office and returned home with the rest of his family. The old house must have been a spacious one, for here Wang Tao-chen maintained her own quarters in a separate two-story unit, using the second floor as her place of worship. It was in these quarters that she is said to have received female immortals and deities, performed miracles, and learned by heart certain religious tracts, mostly mixtures of Buddhist and Taoist sayings. She also developed a beautiful hand, her personal seal style (篆) . Later she copied pieces of religious literature, and many disciples received specimens of her calligraphy. She often made trips, presumably “out-of-body” excursions, and abstained from eating for long periods. Among her devoted disciples were her own father and Wang Shih-chen.<break>In the summer of 1580 she asked permission of her grandfather and father to visit her fianc6’s place of interment, and hinted that she might soon ascend to immortality. A shrine (_ )) was prepared for her. When she arrived at Hsii’s grave, she cut off a coil of hair on the right side of her head as a sacrifice. For many days she stayed at the site. Then she preached to a multitude of people. Finally, on October 1, she retreated into the shrine, where it is said she underwent transformation, and made her ascent as an immortal. This final parting, say her biographers, was witnessed by a hundred thousand people. Later the shrine was taken to the T’ien-tan kuan 恬 澹芻觀 (the Taoist<break>Temple of Peace and Serenity), built for the occasion by her father. (T’ien and tan were the two key words in her preaching.) Reportedly too, her pet snake, which she called her “guardian dragon” (護育唐)，also became an immortal with her. After this mysterious event both her father and Wang Shih-chen lived in the temple for some time. Besides Wang Shih-chen and his younger brother, Wang Shih-mou (分.v.)，a number of contemporary scholars and poets were among her disciples. Millions of words must have been written in prose as well as in poetry to her and about her. Some even dreamed of the Ta-shih and recorded their dreams.<break>A few months later Wang Shih-chen wrote the biography, printed it, and distributed it to people far and wide, including some officials in Peking. It received severe criticism. In 1581 Niu Wei-ping 牛 惟町炳 (T.承庵，cs 1574)， a supervising secretary, and Sun Ch’eng-nan 孫承南(T. 道可，cj 1567)，a censor, simultaneously impeached Wang Hsi-chiieh and Wang Shih-chen for heresy. Fortunately for the two Wang, a fellow townsman, Hsii Hsiieh-mo (分.v.)，then minister of Rites, helped to smooth the matter over.<break>The affair did not end there, however. About 1589 an imposter, asserting that she was T’an-yang-tzu， appeared in T’ai-ts’ang. This is recorded by both Shen Te-fu (q.v.) and Shen Tsan (see Shen Ching), who indicated that she was actually a concubine of the uncle of the real T’an-yang-tzu， who had run away. This story with its element of scandal must have spread rapidly. People drew varying conclusions. Some years later when T’an Ch’ien (^.v.) noted this occurrence in his Tsao-lin tsa-tzu, he did not regard the second T’an-yang-tzu as an imposter. One modern scholar has treated it simply as something which developed out of an illicit affair.<break>It is also said that, after her ascent to immortality, Wang Tao-chen went to the Mien-chu 縣竹 Mountains in Szechwan, where she dwelt in the company<break>7	[1427]<break>WANG Tao Kun<break>of another female immortal. As a con-<break>sequence a temple of the same name (T'ien-tan-kuan) was built for her there. Another report has it that the temple in h-er native place was later destroyed by a stroke of lightning.<break>Because of the mysterious nature of her life and the lack of factual information about her death throughout the following centuries, the story of T'an-yang-tzu has fascinated many. Scholars such as Yang En-shou 楊恩壽(T.篷海， H.坦園，1824-1891 + ) and Wang Kuo-wei (BDRC) have centered their attention on the relationship between her life story and the most popular Ming drama Mu-tan fing, written by T'ang Hsien-tzu (1550-1616, ECCP). To this day there is no decision as to whether T'ang modeled his heroine after T'an-yang-tzu; most critics have rejected the theory. The fact remains, however, that if one compares the two in detail, some obvious similarities do appear. As a contemporary, Tang Hsien-tzu could not have failed to read the biography writteij by Wang Shih-chen, or to hear the story of the imposter. While it is true that he must have drawn upon numerous other sources for his play, it seems that the life story of Wang Tao-chen must have had a measure of influence upon the dramatist.<break>Was Wang Tao-chen a magician? If so, how did she acquire her skill? Was she mentally deranged? If so, to what extent? Did she possess extrasensory perception, or practice astral projection, if such things are really possible? How much was dream, how much was real in her professed relationship with the immortals? Or was she born with a superior intellect that enabled her to hoodwink her family and most people who came into contact with her? Probably the only conclusion we may safely draw is that the story of Wang Tao-chen reflects the temperament and psychology of Ming society at that stage, some aspects of which may remain mysterious forever."
CHHU Ying 仇英(T.實父，H.十洲)died 1552 (?), painter, was a native of Tli-ts'ang 太倉，near the mouth of the Yangtze. Early in his life he moved to Wu-hsien 吳縣 in the prefecture of Soochow. Some recent studies have suggested a very short career, ending after 1552, the date of his last known painting. All authorities agree that Ch'iu Ying came from a humble family. It is not certain when he was befriended by Chou Ch'en (4・V.) but he probably stayed with Chou for only a<break>brief period, until 1530-31 when his own talent came to be appreciated. The poet Wang Ch'ung (q.R), who died in 1533, inscribed many of Ch'iu Ying's paintings of this time, and a close relationship between them is suggested for the last years of Wang's life. By the middle of the decade Ch'iu Ying had unquestionably established his reputation, and visits to the young painter's studio by collectors and other painters in the region are recorded for this period of his life. His independence was apparently short lived； we are informed by a number of writers that by the end of the decade Ch'iu Ying had begun residing with a series of collectors in the area. The first of these was a minor official, Ch'en Te-hsiang 陳德相, who had a mountain retreat where ChJiu spent “several successive years," according to the painter P'eng Nien (q.v.), a close friend of both men. Ch'iu's reputation as an excellent copyist of old masters was well known by this time, and collectors began seeking him out for his special talents. Thus it is not surprising that he was invited to spend some time at the home of the greatest collector of antiquities in the region, Hsiang Yiian-pien (/*・)• Precisely when he began with Hsiang and how long the association between the collector and painter continued is not clear, but a reasonable conjecture would place the two men together between the years 1545 and 1550, when Ch'iu had reached his maturity as a painter, and the youthful Hsiang was beginning to take a serious interest in the arts of painting and calligraphy. That at least part of Ch'iu's time with Hsiang was spent copying old masterpieces is evidenced by the existence of an album of landscapes preserved today in the National Palace Museum, Taiwan. An inscription accompanying the album indicates that Ch'iu executed the six leaves after different masters at the specific request of Hsiang in 1547. The relationship between the two was an intense one, according to Hsiang's grandson, and during the period<break>CH，IU Ying<break>[256]<break>Ch’iu turned out hundreds of paintings. But it was not with Hsiang that Ch’iu stayed the final years of his short life, for, according to other commentators such as Chang Ch’iu，(q.v.), writing a half century later, Ch’iu Ying’s prime years were spent with another “lover of antiquities，” a certain Chou Yii-shun 周于舜 of nearby K ’un-shan 崑山，whose seals appear on many of Ch’iu’s known paintings. Again it is the story of the celebrated copyist housed by a wealthy collector which is conveyed to us in this last association yet a study of existing paintings by Ch’iu, which contain the seals of Chou Yii-shun or Hsiang Yiian-pien, reveals an artist of quite varied talents who certainly did much more than merely copy old masterpieces.<break>Ch’iu Ying’s wide output of paintings is difficult to summarize. As might be expected of someone who gained such great distinction for his abilities as a copyist, a high degree of technical proficiency is evident in all his paintings. But it was the great diversity in his works that separated him from the merely accomplished craftsmen of his time, and it was his skill in so many different styles of painting which made him popular in his own lifetime among such a varied assemblage as the literate, fellow-professional painters, and collectors. In more modern times, however, Ch’iu Ying’s name has been associated almost exclusively with the highly polychromed works featuring painstakingly detailed draftsmanship and bright mineral pigments, focusing often on the theme of pretty court ladies at their leisure. Although there is no question that Ch’iu did execute paintings of this type, a study of older collectors’ catalogues indicates clearly that such paintings were relatively few and formed only a small part of the painter’s total oeuvre. A few dated paintings in this coloristic style, such as the handscroll of 1530 in the Chicago Art Institute, which illustrates T’ao Ch’ien’s famous poem “T’ao hua-yiian chi” 桃花源記(The peach blos-<break>som spring), gives some evidence of Ch’iu’s very early involvement with th^ kung-pi 工筆， or meticulous manner of painting. Other examples of the bright polychromatic style reveal an interesting interpretation of the “blue-and-green” mode of T’ang dynasty landscape painting, A particularly fine example of Ch’iu Ying’s special archaistic manner is the handscroll in the Nelson Gallery, Kansas City, illustrating another ancient and famous poem, the “P’i-pa hsing” 琵琶行(Lute song) of Po Chii-i (772-846). And in the traditional “court lady” category of painting may be cited the exquisite scroll in the National Palace Museum, “Han-kung ch’un-hsiao” 漢宮春曉，depicting a spring morning in the Han palace. The marvelous visual effects achieved in this one painting alone may explain why Ch’iu’s name became so intimately connected with this kind of courtly-style painting, leading to the many later and less inspired imitations. At the same time, it is worth noting that the National Palace Museum contains other works of Ch’iu which are quite the opposite in style from the tightly controlled performance of the “Spring Morning.” Among these looser and more freely rendered paintings may be included the pair of hanging scrolls depicting men in conversation under wu-t’ung 梧桐 trees(Tvung-yin ch^ng-hua 桐陰淸話) and musicians in the shade of banana leaves (Chiao-yin chieh-hsia 蕉陰結夏)• The brushworl/ in these paintings is bold and powerful, a distinct departure from the delicate refined touch evident in the coloristic works, and such a contrast in styles serves only to underline the range of Ch’iu’s talents. The great majority of his paintings fall somewhere between the extremes represented by the bold and free on one hand and the meticulous and tight on the other. Paintings such as the masterful depiction of the “Chien-ko 劍閣 Pass” (a T ’ang emperor’s journey to Szechwan) in the Shanghai Museum, the pair of hanging scrolls, “T，ao_li，ytian” 辦李園 and “Chin-ku 金谷-yiian,” portraying famous T ’ang<break>[257]<break>CH，OE Pu<break>gardens, preserved in the Chion-in, Kyoto, the superb “Liu-t’ang yii-t’ing” 柳塘漁艇 (Fishing boat on the willow, stream) and the powerful hanging scroll entitled “Ch’iu-chiang tai-tu” 秋江待渡(Waiting for the ferry in autumn), both in the Palace Museum, and the exquisitely painted “Ts’ang-lang YU-ti” 滄浪擒笛(Fisherman playing a flute) in the Crawford Collection, New York, do not fall into any one category of style or subject matter. They are paintings free of any theorizing and they fit few preconceptions about schools or style. They have in common, however, a high quality of workmanship and a faultlessness of handling throughout. In the very disciplined way he practiced his craft, Ch’iu gained the respect of a highly critical audience in Soochow, and overcame the handicap of inferior status associated with the professional artist. By the end of the 16th century Ch’iu Ying was numbered among the “four masters of the Wu district” along with Shen Chou, Wen Cheng-ming, and T’ang Yin<break>Ch’iu Ying left no real disciple, although his son-in-law, Yu Ch’iu 尤求(T. 子求，H .鳳丘，fl. 1572- 83)，occasionally echoed him in a limited way, especially in paintings of historical subjects. His daughter, painting under her hao, or literary name, Tu-ling nei-shih 杜陵內史， executed a few figure paintings which capture some of her father’s grace of handling, but her subject matter was limited as was her reputation.
HSU Chen-chlng徐禎卿(T.昌穀，昌國), 1479-April 2 (3), 1511, man of letters, was born into a family registered in the military category in T'ai-ts'ang 太倉 in the prefecture of Soochow. Hsii's ancestors, originally from Loyang, Honan, settled in Soochow at the beginning of the Ming, but in the time of his father they moved to T'ai-ts'ang.<break>A talented boy, Hsu began to make a name for himself in poetry while still young. He entered the district school in Ch'ang-chou 長洲,graduated as chii-jen in 1501, and achieved the chin-shih in 1505. According to report, Hsii was under consideration for appointment as a Hanlin bachelor by Emperor Chu Yu-fang (q.v.), but when he found that Hsii looked rather unimpressive — short and slim —, the emperor dropped his name from the list of candidates. Instead, Hsii received an appointment as a judge (7a) in the Grand Court of Revision. Being unfamiliar with legal procedures, however, he was found unequal to his responsibilities; so he requested a transfer to a place nearer home on the ground that he had to support his aging parents. But the authorities frowned upon his request, and made him an erudite in the National University (1509). This, being an 8b post, implies demotion. Two years later, however, he died at the early age of thirty-two. His son, Hsii Po-ch，iu 伯虬(T.子久，cj 1525), who survived him, was also a poet.<break>Hsu Chen-ch'ing owed his fame to his achievement in literature, particularly<break>in the field of poetry. In his early years he was grouped with T'ang Yin, Wen Cheng-ming, and Chu Yiin-ming (qq，.)，as one of “The Four Talents from the District of Wu"(吳中四才子).Sometime after 1505 he fell under the influence of Li Meng-yang (q.v.), the pioneer in the literary renaissance of the middle Ming period, and came to be known as a member of the "Seven early masters” of Ming literature, which included Li, Ho Ching-ming, Pien Kung (qq.v.), and others. All were northerners except Hsu, the only one from south of the Yangtze River. It is said that at this time Hsii began to concentrate on the classical styles of the T'ang masters and to adopt their criteria in poetry. This changing attitude is evident in the exchange of correspondence between Hsii and his mentor during this period. He was not just an imitator, however, but proved himself a poet in his own right. Certain critics have held that in some ways his achievement in the last six years of his life may well rival that of his seniors, Li Meng-yang and Ho Ching-ming.<break>Toward the end Hsii showed great interest in religious Taoism, and became quite obsessed with its concern for the cultivation of longevity. Wang Shou-jen (q.v.) reports on Hsu^ tomb inscription a conversation with him on this subject when they met in the capital in the winter of 1510. In the presence of Chan Jo-shui (q.v) Wang's close friend, Hsu raised the question as to whether a human being could "bodily ascend to heaven” (fei-sheng 飛昇)and become an immortal with the assistance of a Taoist elixir. On this occasion, while Chan dismissed the possibility outright, Wang chose not to dispute it, but tactfully contended that, if a person is able to cultivate his mind, nourish his physical self, and follow what is natural in life, he may be said to have done his best. Hsii appears to have been convinced. His concern over popular Taoism made him distinct from the other disciples of Li Meng-yang, and this probably accounts for his changing attitude<break>HSU Chieh<break>[570]<break>toward life, and his indulgence in writing fictional accounts with a Taoistic flavor.<break>A prolific writer, Hsii left several collections of prose and poetry, but only the Ti-kung chi 廸功集，which he personally edited, seems to have survived. This collection, 6 c〃.，with a preface by Li Meng-yang, and an appendix T'an-i lu 譚 藝錄，1 ch., a treatise on poetic theory regarded as an important contribution to the field, was printed in 1520, and reprinted in 1528. A complete edition of Hsii's writings, entitled Hsii CKang-ku chuan-chi 昌穀全集，16 ch., was printed during the Wan-li period. A copy of this work, listed as rare, is preserved in the Shanghai city library. A later edition of his poetry, 4 ch., with appendices of wai-chi 外集，3 c%., and the T'an-i lu, were incorporated in the Hung-chih ssu-chieh-shih-chi 弘治四傑詩集，together with the works of Li, Ho, and Pien Kung, by Sun Tsu-fung 孫祖同 in 1895. His poems also appeared in many collections in the Ch'ing dynasty.<break>In addition, Hsii left several items of fiction, such as Chien-sheng yeh we〃 剪勝 野聞，1 c%., a collection of anecdotes and fictionalized accounts of outstanding events and personalities in the reign of the first emperor; Hsin-cKien chi 新 倩籍，1 c%., an assemblage of five biographies of his contemporaies such as Tang Yin and Wen Cheng-ming; I-lin 異林，1 c万.，a miscellany of prodigious events and strange happenings. With Wen Cheng-ming, Hsii was also the author of T'ai-hu hsin-lu 太湖新錄，a collection of miscellaneous notes about T'ai Lake, which is included in Kuang ss〃 shih chia hsiao-shuo廣四十家小說by Ku Yiian-ch^ng顧 元慶(T・大有，H.大石，1487-1565), reprinted in 1915. Except for the last item, these writings are available in a number of Ming and Ch'ing collections of fictional writings. Hsii's tomb inscription by Wang Shou-jen has been rendered into Japanese in Yomei gaku 陽明學；it also includes a reproduction of HsuJs calligraphy on the front page. One of Hsii's es~ says in his own calligraphy, entitled “Wei<break>Chu-chiin mu mai lii shu hou"爲朱君募 買驢疏後，is preserved in the art museum of Princeton University.
WANG Hsi-chueh 王錫爵(T.元馭，H.荆 石)，August 30, 1534-February 11, 1611, official and grand secretary during the years 1585 to 1594, was a native of T'ai-tMang 太倉，Nan-Chihli. In the 16th and 17th centuries, there were two prominent Wang families in T'ai-ts'ang： one, that of Wang Shjh-chen (q.v.), which traced its origin to Lang-ya 瑯琬，Shantung, and the other, that of Wang Hsi-chiieh, which claimed Taiyuan, Shansi, as its ancestral home. As a matter of fact, the prominence of the Taiyuan Wang family lasted through the 19th century, and produced not only degree holders and officials, but also artists and scholars. Wang Hsi-chiieh's grandson, Wang Shih-min (ECCP), and Wang Shih-min's grandson, Wang Yiian-ch'i (ECCP), were both celebrated painters, and one of Wang Shih-min's sons, Wang Shan (ECCP), rose to be grand secretary (1712-23) in the K'ang』si period. The whole clan has been described as prosperous, but Wang Hsi-chiieh's branch was especially so, as a result of the business acumen of his grandfather, Wang Yung 王湧(H.友荆，d. 1558), who was known as a landowner and had pawnshops and probably conducted other commercial activities as well. Following the usual pattern of social mobility, Hsi-chiieh's father Wang Meng-hsiang 王夢 祥(H.愛荆，1515-82), who was a hsiu-ts'ai and a student in the Nanking National University, began the attempt to break into officialdom. His mother, nee Wu 吳(1514-95), also came from a well-to-do family, and had been trained in childhood in the management of fiscal affairs. By the following generation both Wang Hsi-chiieh and his younger brother, Wang Ting 鼎-chiieh (T.家馭，1536-85, cs 1568), vice commissioner of education of Honan province, 1580), achieved important positions in the bureaucracy.<break>Wang Hsi-chueh became a chu-jen in 1558, and a chin-shih four years later. As the winner of the second highest place in the palace examinations, he was appointed compiler in the Hanlin Academy.<break>Except for a brief period in 1570 as director of studies in the National University in Nanking, he served in the capital with regular promotions. In 1574 he was named chancellor of the National University in Peking, and in 1577 became grand superviser of instruction and concurrently reader-in-waiting in the Hanlin. He also particpated in the compilation of the Mu-tsung shih-lu (the Veritable Records of the Lung-ch'ing era) and in the revision of the Shih-tsung shih-lu of the previous era, as well as acting as a supervisor of the local and metropolitan examinations. Up to this point his duties and activities were mainly literary and educational; he was yet to be involved in court politics.<break>As a rule, after the death of a parent, an official had to observe a period of mourning by retiring, nominally for three years, but actually for twenty-seven months. The practice of recalling an official from mourning before the prescribed time, a rarely employed device, was known as to-ch^ng 奪情， implying that the bereaved son is forced back into official service by an imperial command of some urgency. When the father of Chang Chii-cheng (q.v.) died in 1577, this powerful grand secretary had no intention of staying away from his position for long; so he applied to himself the to-ch'ing provision in the name of the boy emperor. His opponents seized the opportunity to try to discredit him politically, and probably a few honest Confucianists did protest his failure to be filial. The government was in a furor. In the lead to impeach Chang were Chao Yung-hsien (q. v.) and Wu Chung-hsing (see Chao Yung-hsien) both colleagues of Wang Hsi-chiieh in the Hanlin Academy. Chang was incensed, and had Chao and Wu sentenced to be punished by flogging. Hearing of this, Wang with a group of his other colleagues went to Chang Chii-cheng's residence to speak on behalf of the two men. Chang refused to let them off. Finally Wang visited him alone, but again failed to sway Chang, and the punish-<break>[1377]<break>WANG Hsi-chiieh<break>ment was carried out. Wang felt deeply depressed. After Chang left for Hukuang for the interment of his father, Wang received promotion to the office of vice minister of Rites. To please Chang Chii-cheng, the heads of various ministries memorialized begging the throne to recall Chang at the earliest possible date. To this memorial Wang refused to affix his signature; this made him an enemy of the all-powerful minister. About the time that Chang returned to Peking in the middle of 1578, Wang resigned from office, went home, and remained there for over six years.<break>Chang Chii-cheng died in 1582 and was posthumously stripped of his honors the following year. By this time the poli-tieal atmosphere had changed, so early in 1585 Wang was brought back to the capital as minister of Rites and grand secretary. Another new appointee to the grand secretaryship was Wang Chia-p'ing 王家屛 (T.忠伯，H.對南，January 13, 1537-January 22, 1604, cs 1568). At this time the senior grand secretary was Shen Shih-hsing (夕. v.), also a chin-shih of 1562 and the opti-mus of that year, while Wang Hsi-chiieh was secundus. Second in rank among the four grand secretaries was Hsii Kuo (see Ku Hsien-ch'eng). The four were on good terms. Some of Chang Chii-cheng^ one-time enemies sought to avenge themselves for indignities suffered, but Wang Hsi-chiieh headed them off and succeeded in according Chang the merit he deserved. This did not add to his popularity with certain factions at court.<break>During this time one of the foremost concerns was the problem of imperial succession, the reluctance of Chu I-chiin (q.v) to name his eldest son Chu Ch'ang・ lo (ECCP) officially as heir apparent. The more the grand secretaries insisted, the more obstinate the emperor became, and the problem remained in a state of suspension. Feeling frustrated, Wang begged to resign. Not until August, 1591, however, did he obtain leave to go home, giving as pretext the necessity of caring<break>for his aging mother. While he was absent from Peking during the foilowing year and a half the other three grand secretaries also resigned one after another. Then Wang received a call to return as senior grand secretary. In the meantime the emperor had issued an edict declaring that the designation ceremony would take place around the spring of 1593. Accordingly, when Wang Hsi-chiieh returned to the Grand Secretariat, he asked the emperor to carry out the procedure. By this time, however, the emperor had changed his mind and bade certain eunuchs give Wang a new edict, in which he declared that he wished only to appoint Chu Ch'ang-lo, as well as his two brothers, Chu Ch'ang-hsiin and Chu Ch'ang-hao (for both see Cheng Kuei-fei) princes; as for the heir apparent, he pref erred waiting to see whether his empress Hsiao-tuan,孝端，nee Wang (see Chu I-chiin), would give birth to a son; if so, he would make the latter heir apparent. Under orders from the sovereign, Wang drafted the required rescript; at the same time, however, to show his regard for public opinion, he drafted another which ran： "In ancient times, there were a number of empresses who adopted consorts* or concubines* sons as their own. Now I beg Your Majesty to let the empress adopt Chu Ch'ang・lo and then appoint him heir apparent" Both rescripts were submitted to the emperor simultaneously, but the other grand secretaries, Chao Chih-kao (see Shen I-kuan) and Chang Wei (see Ch'en Yii-pi) were not informed of their contents. A few days later, the emperor approved the first rescript, which, however, he was eventually forced by public clamor to rescind. Meanwhile Wang was violently criticized by both censors and others.<break>December 11, 1593, being the birthday of his mother, the emperor received the congratulations of his courtiers. Directly after that he summoned Wang to his presence. Seizing the opportunity thus given, the latter entreated the emperor<break>WANG Hsi-chueh<break>[1378]<break>to appoint Chu Ch’ang4o immediately. His words and obvious sincerity impressed the emperor. Later, on March 25, 1594, Chu Ch’ang-lo was ordered to begin his imperial education, every detail of which was of the kind due an heir apparent. This measure was welcomed though not considered completely satisfactory.<break>After promotions both in rank and in honor, Wang by 1594 was minister of Personnel, grand secretary, and junior tutor and grand guardian to the heir apparent. In the course of the years in which he served in the Grand Secretariat Wang Hsi-chiieh advised the emperor to discontinue support of certain imperial factories in Soochow and Hangchow; to lessen the burden laid on the imperial kilns at Ching-te-chen 景德鎭 in Kiangsi; to decrease the amount of taxes of Yunnan; and to appropriate a sum of money from the palace to relieve the famine occasioned by both drought and flood in Honan. The emperor treated him well; ’ nevertheless he seldom accepted his advice. For example, Wang voiced strong opposition to the sentence of punishment by flogging of Li I {see Chang Ching 黯) who had brought an accusation, against the eunuch, Chang Ching, head of the Eastern Depot, but his protests had no effect on the court, the sentence being carried out at the beginning of 1589. By February, 1593, his popularity declined when it became known that he did not dare reject the emperor’s command to draft the rescript proposing the identical designations of the emperor’s three sons to the status of princes. Not long afterwards, the director of the bureau of evaluations in the ministry of Personnel, Chao Nan-hsing (々.v.), and several others were demoted or cashiered because of their criticism of the government. Surmising that these officials were being punished as a result of Wang’s maneuvers, the public generally put the blame on him. In spite of his repeated memorializing of the throne in an effort to exonerate himself, even to speaking up on behalf of the<break>above mentioned men, he had to endure further criticism. Later he begged frequently to be retired, but was ordered to remain at his post; permission finally came in July, 1594.<break>After a lapse of more than seven years, Chu Ch'ang-lo was finally appointed heir apparent . (November 9, 1601). Soon thereafter, the emperor sent off messengers to tender his compliments as well as gifts to Wang Hsi-chiieh. In 1607 the emperor selected a new group of men for the Grand Secretariat, among them Wang Hsi-chiieh, but he declined. By 1611 Wang was dead. He received posthumous honors and the title of Wen-su 文肅.<break>Wang’s only son, Wang Heng 王衡 (T•辰玉，H.餱山，1561-1609), was a chii-(Jen of 1588, and a chin-shih of 1601. Like his father, he emerged from the palace examinations second in rank, and was made a Hanlin compiler. In the earlier examination, however, when he headed the list in Shun-fien fu 順天府(Peking), along with some relatives of other influential officials of the time, certain critics made an accusation of nepotism. As he was genuinely talented, his father was outraged. After a reexamination, the son proved his ability. It was for this reason that he never participated in the metropolitan examinations during all the years that his father served as grand secretary. Wang Heng left a collection of literary works entitled Kou-shan hsien-sheng chi 餱 山先生集， 27 ch., printed in 1616， whieh was condemned to be partially censored a century and a half later. He also wrote a play, the Yii-lun-p’ao 鬱輪袍，which may be found in the second series of the Sung-fen-shih ts’ung-k’an 誦芬室叢刊(1917). The hero of the play is Wang Wei (701-61?)， the great poet and painter of the T’ang dynasty, but actually it is believed to have an autobiographical background, the author voicing his grievance over the accusation of 1588. Besides the son, Wang Hsi-chiieh had three daughters, the second being the mysterious and controversial figure Wang Tao-chen<break>[1379]<break>WANG Hsbshan<break>(q.v.), widely known by her religious appellation, T^n-yang-tzu.<break>Wang Hsi-chiieh^ collected literary works, the Wang Wen-su kung wen-chi, 55 cA., were printed by his grandson, Wang Shih-min. It seems that parts of the collection had been printed separately as the Wang Wen-su kung tsou-ts'ao 奏草， wen-ts'ao 文草，and tu-ts^ao 牘草.All three are listed in the catalogue of the prohibited books of the Ch'ing dynasty. An enlarged edition of a collection of Hanlin papers, the Tseng-ting kuo-cWao kuan-k'o chin-shih hunS-tz:u增訂國朝舘課經世宏辭, 15 c瓦，is also listed under his name as editor-in-chief.<break>Both Wang Hsi-chiieh and his son, Wang Heng, were accomplished calligraphers, highly regarded by their contemporaries. In addition the father was known as a fancier of chrysanthemums.
"WANG Tao-chen 王壽貞(childhood name Kuei 桂)，December 30, 1558-October 17, 1580, better known by her religious appellation T'an-yang-tzu 曇陽子,was a native of T'ai-ts'ang, Soochow, the second of three daughters of Wang Hsi-chiieh (q.v.) and an elder sister of Wang Heng (see Wang Hsi-chiieh). Her short life, filled with mystery and alleged miracles, ended with the announcement that she had ascended to immortality without passing through the stage of death. It is even said that both her names, Tao-chen and T'an-yang-tzu, were given to her by the immortals with whom she was associated before her own ascension.<break>The literature about T'an-yang-tzu is abundant, but factual data are scarce. It is also difficult to separate fact from fancy, intentional ambiguity from sincere belief, prejudicial judgment from reasonable conclusion. There are two biographies of Wang Tao-chen, one by the well-known and prolific writer Wang Shih-chen (q.v.), entitled T'an-yang ta-shih chuan 大師億，which has been highly publicized<break>and frequently ref erred to; the other, and little known and seldom mentioned, is by Fan Shou-chi (q.v.), under the title T'an-yan^ hsien 仙-s/i法 chuan. Both men were older contemporaries but called themselves her disciples. While Wang Shih-chen was a good friend of her father, Fan was also an acquaintance. Apparently the materials for the biographies were supplied by Wang Hsi-chiieh. Besides the T'an-yang ta-shih chuan, Wang Shih-chen wrote the Chin-mu chi 金母紀 and the T'an-luan 鸞 ta-shih chi to supplement and to clarify certain allusions made in the principal biography. These accounts contain so much that is mystical, mysterious, and necromantic that they leave the reader with many questions and a great deal of doubt.<break>T'an-yang-tzu's life may be sketched as follows. It is said that as a child she did not enjoy the favor of her parents. An early engagement of a daughter was the ^custom of the day, yet her mother delayed it. Finally she was betrothed to Hsii Ching-shao 徐景韶(d. 1574), a son of Hsii TYng-kuan 廷裸(cs 1559), then provincial assistant administration commissioner of Chekiang. Just before the marriage was to take place in 1574, her fiance died. It is said that at first her parents tried to hide the news from her, but she told them that she had been aware of it before the messenger arrived. She then asked to be considered as HsuJs widow.<break>Ming society was a paradoxical one in many ways. On one hand, under certain circumstances, there was widespread indulgence in sensual activities; on the other, the Confucian ideal of chastity was upheld. For a wife to take her life shortly after her husband's death, or for a betrothed girl to refuse to marry another if her fiance died, was always considered to be an honorable act, especially by the scholar-official class. In some cases, the girl being young and innocent, it was the parents who consciously or unconsciously made the decision. In such a situation, because of their possible feeling of guilt,<break>WANG Tao-chen<break>[1426]<break>the parents often became indulgent and permiissive. Under the pretext of lack of space in her father’s official residence in Peking, situated near the National University, T’an-yang-tzu begged for private quarters for herself; so in 1574 a small separate unit was built for her adjacent to the main house, and she began to lead a religious life of her own design. After living in Peking for some fifteen years, she returned with her grandparents to T’ai-ts’ang. A year later her father, anticipating antagonism from the powerful minister, Chang Chii-cheng (q.v.), retired from office and returned home with the rest of his family. The old house must have been a spacious one, for here Wang Tao-chen maintained her own quarters in a separate two-story unit, using the second floor as her place of worship. It was in these quarters that she is said to have received female immortals and deities, performed miracles, and learned by heart certain religious tracts, mostly mixtures of Buddhist and Taoist sayings. She also developed a beautiful hand, her personal seal style (篆) . Later she copied pieces of religious literature, and many disciples received specimens of her calligraphy. She often made trips, presumably “out-of-body” excursions, and abstained from eating for long periods. Among her devoted disciples were her own father and Wang Shih-chen.<break>In the summer of 1580 she asked permission of her grandfather and father to visit her fianc6’s place of interment, and hinted that she might soon ascend to immortality. A shrine (_ )) was prepared for her. When she arrived at Hsii’s grave, she cut off a coil of hair on the right side of her head as a sacrifice. For many days she stayed at the site. Then she preached to a multitude of people. Finally, on October 1, she retreated into the shrine, where it is said she underwent transformation, and made her ascent as an immortal. This final parting, say her biographers, was witnessed by a hundred thousand people. Later the shrine was taken to the T’ien-tan kuan 恬 澹芻觀 (the Taoist<break>Temple of Peace and Serenity), built for the occasion by her father. (T’ien and tan were the two key words in her preaching.) Reportedly too, her pet snake, which she called her “guardian dragon” (護育唐)，also became an immortal with her. After this mysterious event both her father and Wang Shih-chen lived in the temple for some time. Besides Wang Shih-chen and his younger brother, Wang Shih-mou (分.v.)，a number of contemporary scholars and poets were among her disciples. Millions of words must have been written in prose as well as in poetry to her and about her. Some even dreamed of the Ta-shih and recorded their dreams.<break>A few months later Wang Shih-chen wrote the biography, printed it, and distributed it to people far and wide, including some officials in Peking. It received severe criticism. In 1581 Niu Wei-ping 牛 惟町炳 (T.承庵，cs 1574)， a supervising secretary, and Sun Ch’eng-nan 孫承南(T. 道可，cj 1567)，a censor, simultaneously impeached Wang Hsi-chiieh and Wang Shih-chen for heresy. Fortunately for the two Wang, a fellow townsman, Hsii Hsiieh-mo (分.v.)，then minister of Rites, helped to smooth the matter over.<break>The affair did not end there, however. About 1589 an imposter, asserting that she was T’an-yang-tzu， appeared in T’ai-ts’ang. This is recorded by both Shen Te-fu (q.v.) and Shen Tsan (see Shen Ching), who indicated that she was actually a concubine of the uncle of the real T’an-yang-tzu， who had run away. This story with its element of scandal must have spread rapidly. People drew varying conclusions. Some years later when T’an Ch’ien (^.v.) noted this occurrence in his Tsao-lin tsa-tzu, he did not regard the second T’an-yang-tzu as an imposter. One modern scholar has treated it simply as something which developed out of an illicit affair.<break>It is also said that, after her ascent to immortality, Wang Tao-chen went to the Mien-chu 縣竹 Mountains in Szechwan, where she dwelt in the company<break>7	[1427]<break>WANG Tao Kun<break>of another female immortal. As a con-<break>sequence a temple of the same name (T'ien-tan-kuan) was built for her there. Another report has it that the temple in h-er native place was later destroyed by a stroke of lightning.<break>Because of the mysterious nature of her life and the lack of factual information about her death throughout the following centuries, the story of T'an-yang-tzu has fascinated many. Scholars such as Yang En-shou 楊恩壽(T.篷海， H.坦園，1824-1891 + ) and Wang Kuo-wei (BDRC) have centered their attention on the relationship between her life story and the most popular Ming drama Mu-tan fing, written by T'ang Hsien-tzu (1550-1616, ECCP). To this day there is no decision as to whether T'ang modeled his heroine after T'an-yang-tzu; most critics have rejected the theory. The fact remains, however, that if one compares the two in detail, some obvious similarities do appear. As a contemporary, Tang Hsien-tzu could not have failed to read the biography writteij by Wang Shih-chen, or to hear the story of the imposter. While it is true that he must have drawn upon numerous other sources for his play, it seems that the life story of Wang Tao-chen must have had a measure of influence upon the dramatist.<break>Was Wang Tao-chen a magician? If so, how did she acquire her skill? Was she mentally deranged? If so, to what extent? Did she possess extrasensory perception, or practice astral projection, if such things are really possible? How much was dream, how much was real in her professed relationship with the immortals? Or was she born with a superior intellect that enabled her to hoodwink her family and most people who came into contact with her? Probably the only conclusion we may safely draw is that the story of Wang Tao-chen reflects the temperament and psychology of Ming society at that stage, some aspects of which may remain mysterious forever."
CHANG Ch'^ou張丑(T• 靑甫，廣德, H.米 庵)，1577-1643?，was one of the celebrated art critics of his day. He was born in K’un-shan 崑山 (east of Soochow) where his family, members of the artisan category, had settled for several generations. His grandfather, Chang Ch’ing 情 (T.約之， cs 1538), served at one time as prefect of Kiukiang, later rising to surveillance vice commissioner in Fukien. Chang Ch’ing’s younger brother, Chang I 意 (T .誠之，cs 1529), rose to the same rank in Shantung. Chang Ch’ou’s father, Chang Ying-wen 應 文 (T.茂實，H.彝甫，fl. 1530-94), failed to pass the higher civil examinations and led the life of a wealthy scholar, collecting antiques and indulging in the study of alchemical arts. In 1588 he moved his family to Soochow and changed their register to the district of Ch’ang-chou 長 洲. Like his friends, Wang Shih-chen and<break>Wen Cheng-ming {qq.y.'), Chang Ying-wen was a connoisseur and left a work on collecting objects of art, the Ch’ing-mi-ts'a叹淸I祕藏，2 c々.<break>Chang Ch’ou edited and published his father’s book and wrote a preface to it in 1595 when he was still using his original name, Chang Ch’ien-te謙 德 (T.叔益)• The change of name to Ch’ou probably took place shortly thereafter. He facetiously gave the reason for the change as the fact that he was born in the ch’ou year (the year of the cow, hence his infrequently used sobriquet, niu-lang 牛郞， “the cowboy”)，and to his ownership of a seal of the 3d century b. C. which had belonged to a man whose name consisted of the same two characters. The word ch’ou，however, also means a clown, which seems to indicate the real reason for his choosing it. He never was on good terms with his elder half-brother, Chang Hou-te 厚德 (T.坤甫，H .寧宇＞， who passed the chii-jen examination in 1567， ten years before Chang Gh*ou was born, hence possibly was as many as thirty years his senior. As a chii-jen, and perhaps as the eldest sqn of the main wife， Chang Hou-te was favored by their father, especially during the division of property in 1594， shortly before the father’s death. In later years Chang Ch’ou recorded that during the division of the estate he was given some less desirable land and when, in a pique, he showed his resentment, his father consoled him by handing him a scroll entitled “Yeh-wang min-yen”野望憫言，painted by T’ang Yin (q.v.). He changed his name, however, as if to say that he had been made a clown. Meanwhile his half-brother also changed his name to Chang Te-ch’eng 德程(T.以繩)，possibly as a way of emphasizing the break in the family. Chang Ch’ou once remarked that his half-brother was a collector of thousands of objects of which ninety-nine percent were fakes.<break>To compensate for his failure in the civil examination Chang Ch’ou tried first to be a writer; it is said that he named one of his studios Chien-shih-fang 鑛史堂<break>CHANG Ch’oii<break>[52 ]<break>(Hall for the printing of historical works) and took pains to write annotations and commentaries on the Shih-chi by Ssu-ma Ch，ien (ca. 145-86 B.C.). He also compiled a 200 chiian history (of the Ming dynasty?) entitled Ming-shan ts 'ang 名山置藏(not to be confused with the work of the same title, but in 100 chiian，by Ho Ch’iao-ytian [^.v.]). Neither of Chang’s works is extant. It is doubtful that they were ever printed or even completed. In any case he turned to the study of painting and calligraphy, and found that he could take pride in his expertise as an art critic. He reminded others that his great-great-grandfather was a protege of the calligrapher Shen Tu (q.y.),.that his great-grandfather had a painting by Shen Chou (q.v.), that his grandfather and granduncle owned a large collection of paintings, and that his father was related by marriage to the sons of Wen Cheng-ming. Unfortunat el y, while the family treasures were in the possession of his half-brother, they were lost due to pillaging and a fire set by an enemy (1618?). He himself, in spite of his meager assets, was able to collect some genuine articles and had the good fortune to examine several important collections. In 1616 he completed a work entitled Ch’ing-ho shu-hua fang 淸河書畫舫，12 ch., in which he commented on more than eighty of China’s foremost artists and their works, which he either owned or had seen. Among his contributions were such discussions as the place in calligraphic history of Ts’ai Ching (1046-1126) and the age at death of Mi Fu (1051-1107). Generally in his day the four great calligraphers of the Northern Sung were held to be Su Shih (1037-1 101), Huang T’ing-chien (10451105), Mi Fu, and Ts’ai Hsiang (1012-67). But Chang Ch’ou advanced tlie theory that the one first named was not Ts’ai Hsiang but Ts’ai Ching, pointing to the chronological order in which they were named. Had Ts’ai Hsiang been one of the four, his name would have appeared first. Chang Ch’ou suggested that the reason for the later substitution was the low esteem in<break>which historians held Ts’ai Ching, sometimes called 六賊之i首(Chief of the six traitors), in spite of the excellence of his calligraphy. Wang Tsung-yen (ECCP, p. 39), a noted scholar and art critic of two centuries later, voiced the same opinion. “Ts’ai Ching’s calligraphy,” he wrote, “is decidedly superior to that of Ts’ai Hsiang.” At the end of the book Chang included 101 verses of his own, eulogizing ancient and contemporary poets and artist s. As the owner of one of Mi Fu’s finest literary remains, entitled Pao chang tai-fang lu 寶章待訪斗錄(Comments on calligraphy), Chang Ch’ou named his study Pao-Mi hsiian 寶米軒. The Ch’ing-ho shu-hua fang in the opinion of Chiang Ch’ao-po 蔣超伯 (cs 1845), is the best work of its genre written during the Ming and Ch’ing dynasties. As soon as it was completed in 1616 people flocked to Chang Ch’ou to show him their treasured possessions. Recording only the genuine items, he wrote the Chen-chi jih-lu 眞蹟日錄，3 ch., which contains colophons dated as late as 1630. He also compiled four lists: the Ch’ing-ho shu-hua piao1表， recording eight members of his own family (including himself) and the items each had collected; the Fa-shu ming-hua chien-wen p»ia o法書名晝見聞表 on the items he had either seen or known of; and two on the collections of a Han family of Soochow, particularly those belonging to Han Shih-neng 韓世能(T.存良， cs 1568). Collectors highly valued all these works on art by Chang Ch’ou; they existed, however, only in manuscript until 1763 when a wealthy salt merchant of Soochow, Wu Ch，ang-ytian 吳 長元元 (T.麗煌)， in cooperation with another salt merchant, Pao T’ing-po (ECCP), edited and printed the Ch’ing-ho shu-hua-fang，which came to be known by the name of Wu’s studio as the Ch’ih-pei ts’ao-t’ang 池北草堂 edition. It seems that this book was published in 1764, and that the Chen-chi jih-lu and its appendices (the four lists) were brought out with the same imprint. Pao T，ing-po later, however, produced his own edition of the Chen-chi jih-lu in a smaller<break>[53 ]<break>CHANG Chii-cheng<break>format (20 characters to a column instead of the 22 in Wu’s edition). This was the time when Pao he,ga：a to publish his famous series of rare books, the Chih-pu-tsu-chai ts ’ung-shu. Columbia University library possesses a copy of the Chen-chi jih-lu which has the. Chih-pu-tsu-chai imprint. Yet for some reason it was not included in the series and was apparently sold as a separate item.<break>All these works by Chang Ch’ou were copied (from manuscripts submitted by the Pao family) into the Imperial Library in the 1780s. Also copied were the P ’ing-hua p ’u 瓶花譜， a work on cut flowers attributed to him, and the Ch’ing-mi-ts’ang by his father. The former has recently been rendered into English by Li Hui-lin and published in 1956 as Chinese Flower Arrangement. Chang Ch’ou is also the author of three more short works: one on tea, Ch’a-ching 茶經，one on ink sticks, Lun-mo 論;g墨 (probably an odd item from a quartet of the so-called wen-fang ssu-yu 文房四友 “four companions in a studio”)，and one on goldfish, Chu-sfia yu-p'u 硃砂魚譜. The last named M7s been translated by A. C. Moule.<break>There is an interesting story in connection with the names of Chang Ch’ou’s grandfather, Chang Ch’ing, and granduncle Chang I, for the character ch’ing means grace or love and i means thoughtfulness, both rarely chosen as given names for males. That the two brothers retained their odd names even after they became important officials is explained in the following anecdote. It happened that their father, an indigent teacher in a country school, lived in a one-room hut by the Grand Canal. One night his wife complained about their being childless and pointed out that, for the sake of the family line, he should take a concubine while still in his early fifties. Their arguments were overheard by a merchant who, after mooring his boat for the night, took a walk past the hut. Wealthy but old, the merchant had several young women at home whom he was about to send away. So he presented one<break>to the teacher, adding a sizable dowry as inducement, much to the delight of the teacher’s wife. The two boys born to this woman were consequently given these names as a way of commemorating the graciousness and thoughtfulness of the benefactor.
SUNG KI 宋克(T.仲溫，H.南宮生), 1327-87, poet, calligrapher, painter, and official, was a native of Ch'ang-chou 長洲 in Soochow prefecture. As a youth zhe behaved in a non-conformist and unrestrained manner. Tall in stature, he was fond of riding, fencing, and shooting with a crossbow. At the same time, however, he read widely in history and literature. His family was wealthy, but he squandered his fortune in entertaining his friends, with whom he drank and gambled.<break>When he reached maturity, he disassociated himself from his boon companions and studied military strategy. Then he traveled north and apparently served on the staff of some frontier commander. Kao Ch'i (q.v.), in his biography of Sung, entitled Nan-kung-sheng chuan 傳(which is the principal source of information about Sung and to which later biographical notes have added little), says vaguely that, after having mastered the Feng Hou wo・ch'i chen fa風后握奇陳法 (also known as Wo-ch'i ching 經，a book on strategy purporting to have been written by Feng Hou, a minister of the mythical Yellow Eipperor, but probably a<break>forgery of the Sung period), and as he was about to go north and join other men of like mind and discuss plans for action, Sung found no one with whom he could cooperate. In one of Kao's poems, however, he addresses him as “Military adviser Sung” and refers explicitly to the latter's having served a general in Yen 燕 and helped guard the border. The title of the poem is “Ch'ou Sung chiin-tzu chien-chi" 酬宋軍咨見寄(In reply to military adviser Sung who has sent me a poem), and the lines in question read in translation, “When he completed his studies he served a Yen general, and guarded the Three Passes on the remote frontier”(業成事燕 將，遠戍三關營)• It seems that in the biography Kao was being deliberately vague so as to cover up the fact that Sung had served under the Yiian, whereas in the poem addressed to Sung himself there was of course no reason to be circumspect. Sung's brief military career is further confirmed by a line from one of his own poems, “Serving in the army is also unsatisfactory” (從軍事亦非). But we have no information as to whom he served under or for how long. Subsequently Sung traveled to Chekiang and other places before returning to Soochow, probably sometime before 1356. There he became one of the famous Ten Friends of the North Wall (see Hsii Pen), the group of talented young men centered around Kao Ch'i. Sung also associated with many others of both high and low social standing. He was frank and argumentative, and often admonished his friends. Once he subdued two bullying generals by a quiet demonstration of strength.<break>When Chang Shih-ch'eng (q.v.) rebelled against the Yiian, Sung privately predicted the outcome of Chang's military operations, and most of his predictions came true. Chang wished to recruit Sung to his own staff, but the latter declined. This annoyed Chang who tried to frame him, but Sung saved himself by clever maneuvering. Kao is again vague about the circumstances surrounding this episode, but<break>SUNG Li<break>[1224]<break>it seems that Sung became impoverished as a result, although he continued to behave in an expansive and hospitable manner to friends and strangers alike. Later he grew tired of social activities and shut himself in a room full of antiques and books, amusing himself with writing poetry and practicing calligraphy.<break>At the beginning of the Ming, Sung was summoned to court to be a calligra-pher-in-waiting at the Hanlin Academy. Then he served as deputy prefect of Feng-hsiang 鳳翔 in Shensi. According to the Ming-shih, he died at his post, but the Min^-shu states that he gave up his post before his death.<break>Sung was a well-known poet but his poetry was scarce even at the beginning of the Ch'ing period, when Chu I-tsun (ECCP) compiled the Ming-shih tsung. The two poems, both entitled “Thinking of my brothers on an autumn day,>, included in the Lieh-cKao shih-chi by Ch'ien Ch^en-i (ECCP), seem to be the only ones still extant. These are written in a simple and direct style reminiscent of the early T'ang. As a calligrapher, Sung practiced various styles, but excelled particularly in the chang-ts'ao 章草， which had not been in vogue for a long time and which he brought back into fashion. He and another calligrapher, Sung Kuang 宋 廣(工 昌裔)，were often referred to as the Two Sung. Chu Yun-ming (g.v.) writes of Sung K'o's calligraphy： "Seeing it is like viewing ancient ritual bronzes; it must be the result of natural talent rather than human effort." An example of his calligraphy, “Kung yen shih”公燕詩(Poem on an official banquet) by Liu Chen (d. 217), is now in the Palace Museum in Taiwan. Another is in the collection of John M. Crawford, Jr., New York. As a painter, Sung confined himself to bamboos and is credited with having initiated the technique of painting them in vermilion. A handscroll by him entitled Wan-chu fu 萬竹圖 (A myriad of bamboos), an ink painting on paper, dated 1369, is now in the Freer Gallery, Washington, D. C.
FEI Hsin費信(T.公曉)，1388-1436?, author of one of the records of expeditions of Cheng Ho (q)・)， was a native of K'un-shan 崑山，and belonged to a family of military register in the T'ai-ts'ang 太倉 guard, northeast of Soochow. We find him first serving in the garrison at T'ai-ts'ang, and it was in this same guard at Liu-chia-kang 劉家港 that Cheng Ho's fleets congregated before sailing out to sea. He was apparently pressed into service for the third expedition of 1409-11, and again for the fifth (1417-19), and the seventh (1431-33). With the clear exception of Bengal and Mecca, he probably visited the same places as Ma Huan (q.v.)・ Fei may not have started writing his book, known as Hsing-cKa sheng-lan 星槎 勝覽(Captivating views from a star guided vessel), 2 c%・，until after his return from the last voyage, that is, nearly twenty years after Ma began to compile his own. This may explain its lack of freshness and immediacy in comparison with Ma's. There is a possibility that Ma Huan's manuscript was available to him, as well as to Kung Chen 鞏珍(T.養素生)，another soldier who went on the voyages and wrote a book, Hsi-yang fan-kuo chih 西洋番國志(Record of foreign countries in the western ocean), 1 ch. (preface 1434). These two works by Fei and Kung, therefore, supplement Ma Huan's； but even Fei's, which is markedly more original than what survives of Kung's, might have been influenced by the work of Ma.<break>The Hsing-cKa sheng-lan was probably first printed in 1436, some fifteen years earlier than the Ying-yai sheng-lan of Ma Huan. Again there is a marked difference between Fei Hsin's original version and the better-known edited and polished version which Feng Ch'eng-chUn (BDRC) believes was the work of a fellow townsman named Chou Fu-chiin 周復俊(T. 子覇 H.丕涇子,1496-1574, cs 1532). Fei Hsin's original version was preserved only in manuscript form until the 20th century. The earliest surviving manuscript is the one copied from the version printed in<break>the Kuo-ch'ao tien-ku of Chu Tang-mien (see Ma Huan). This was preserved in the T'ien-i-ko library of the family of Fan Mou-chu (ECCP), and was the version collated by Lo Chen-yu (BDRC) early in this century, and printed in the Liu-ching-k'an 六經堪 ts'ung^-shu. An even more authoritative version is the Ming manuscript collated by Lo I-chih 羅以智 (fl. 1840), which Feng Ch'eng-chiin used as the basis of his anotated edition, the Hsing-cKa sheng-lan chiao-chu 校注.<break>The slightly abbreviated Chou Fu-chiin edition has survived in several collections, the earliest printed version in the Ku-chin shuo-hai of Lu Chi (see Lu Shen) and another somewhat better one in the Chi-lu hui-pien of of Shen Chieh-fu (q.v・)・ There are at least six other versions of this edition in various collectanea. Feng Ch'eng-chiin, who has examined all of them, has pronounced the one in the Chi-lu hui-pien best； his authoritative edition is based on it.<break>The books by Ma Huan and Fei Hsin contribute a great deal of information about the world overseas as known to the Chinese after the great Cheng Ho expeditions. They tell us about Chinese relations with these southern and western regions, about Chinese attitudes towards alien cuk tures, about Chinese shipping, navigation, and commercial interests, most of all, about the conditions of most of the countries along the shores of the South China Sea, the Straits of Malacca, and key parts of the littoral of the Indian Ocean. They were the only major works of travel in Asia during the 15th century and fill the gap between Marco Polo and Ibn Batuta on one hand and the Portuguese writings of the early 16th century on the other. Furthermore, no other earlier work tells us more accurately and describes to us more vividly the conditions of the major countries in southeast Asia prior to the arrival of the Europeans after 1500. Significantly both for Chinese and for Asian history (and especially southeast Asian history), the two books were never<break>[441]<break>FEI Hung<break>known outside China and were never widely known even in China itself. They received the attention they deserved only in the 20th century.
HSIA Ch，ang夏泉(T.仲昭，H.自在居士, 玉峯，居易)，September, 1388-September 9/10, 1470 (or June 14, 1470, according to Wang Shih-chen, q，.)，calligrapher, painter, and official, was a native of K'un-shan 崑山 in the prefecture of Soochow. Demonstrating his precocity at the age of six (he could already write k'ai-shu 楷書), he went on to pass the examinations for chii-jen in 1414 and for chin-shih the following year, and was selected a bachelor in the Hanlin Academy. At this time his name was Chu Ch'ang 朱昶.There is some speculation as to why he later changed his surname frcm Chu to Hsia. One account has it that, during the 1358 attack on K'un-shan by Fang Kuo-chen (q.v) most members of the Hsia family lost their lives, and Hsia's father, then a child, was brought up by his maternal relatives whose name became his too. Another suggests that his mother remarried and that he took the name of his step-father. As Chu Ti (q.v.) favored Chu Chiang's calligraphy —he had achieved first place in a palace competition in k'ai-shu—he ordered him to write the inscriptions for the tablets mounted on the new buildings then being erected in Peking. The emperor, noticing Chu Ch'ang's name, objected to the way the character for Ch'ang was written, holding that it was inappropriate for the sun 日 to be put on the side of 永<break>HSIA Ch，ang<break>[526]<break>(viz. fg), and ordered it placed on top (泉)，an arrangement which he followed the rest of his life. About the same time Chu Ch’ang requested permission to change his hsing to Hsia. (Presumably this request covered his entire family, including his elder brother Hsia Ping 最[T .孟 _] •) It is said that Hsia Ping, formerly named Chu Ping, also known as a painter and calligrapher, once (in 1407?) took part in the production of the Yung-lo ta-tien {see Chu Ti). While serving as assistant magistrate of Yung-ning 永寧 Honan, he was dispatched to escort a number of laborers to work on the imperial burial grounds north of Peking. On the way many laborers under his care defected Hsia Ping was held accountable, and was exiled to the southern p a1rt of Yunnan. Hsia Ch’ang entered a plea for his brother’s release, and eventually it was granted through the aid of Grand Secretary Yang Jung：(g.v.). Meanwhile (March, 1421)，he had been made a drafter in the central drafting office and his brother was then assigned to the same office, where they came to be known familiarly as the senior and junior drafters (大小中書)•<break>A contemporary fellow townsman, Chang I 張益(T. 士濂，H .騫庵，Pth .文 僖，1 395-1449)，who had graduated in the same year as Hsia Ch’ang and served in the Hanlin, also had a reputation as a calligrapher and a painter of bamboos. When Hsia came to realize that Chang’s fu 賦 were superior to his own, he ceased writing poetry； and when Chang found he could not cdmpete with Hsia in painting bamboos, he in turn gave up the art.<break>In 1422 Hsia Ch’ang received a transfer to the new capital. Three years later Yang Jung invited him to serve in the Wen-yiian hall 文淵閣• During this period he had to return home because of the death of his father. In the following reign (1426-35), he was shifted to the bureau of evaluations of the ministry of Personnel, again as secretary. In the Cheng-t’ung era his main assignment was to assist in the compilation of several im-<break>perial works, including the two shih-lu of Jen-tsung and Hsiian-tsung. (According to the Hsiian-tsung shih-lu，however, the former had already been completed in 1430. Was it subjected to some modification?) On the completion of the last, he received as reward a grant of money and a roll of silk (白金文綺)• In 1439, because of his mother’s age, he received leave to retire to serve her. During the years 1448 to 1452, he served as prefect of Jui-chou-fu 瑞州I府，Kiangsi. His term there was marked by good administration. Then he found himself back in the capital as vice minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, and five years later, when Chu CH’i-chen (^.v.) resumed power, he made Hsia chief minister (March 2). Hsia had now reached the age of seventy sui and was permitted to retire in September, 1457.<break>During Hsia’s lifetime he achieved an enviable reputation as a painter of bamboos and writer of k’ai_shu. The critics all remark on the influence of his calligraphic strokes on his paintings. His fame as calligrapher and painter spread even to Korea, Japan, and Siam. At present a number of examples are available. The Staatliche Museen (Berlin) has his “Spring Rain by the River Hsiang，” dated 1455, and a handscroll featuring a bamboo-bordered stream is in the possession of the Art Institute of Chicago; other paintings, likewise dominated by bamboos, are in the National Palace Museum, Taiwan and elsewhere.<break>Hsia Ch’ang had three sons. The second, Hsia To 鐸(T .文振)，also achieved some note as a calligrapher, in 1466 receiving an appointment as drafter in the cental drafting office.
KUEI Yu-kuang歸有光(T.熙甫，開甫, H.震川)，January 6, 1507-February 7, 1571, essayist, was a native of K'un-shan, east of Soochow. He came from an old landed family that had settled there for ten generations. One of his granduncles was an officer of the Soochow Guard, and his grandfather, Kuei Feng 鳳(T.應 韶，cj 1474), served as magistrate of Ch'eng・wu城武，Shantung. From childhood Kuei Yu-kuang studied for the career of a scholar-official, devoting himself to mas-tering the Confucian Classics and composing the kind of essays required in examination halls. He specialized in the study of / Ching (the Book of Change), winning acclaim in 1519 when he qualified as a student of the district school. Six years later he became a stipend student in the Soochow prefectural school and in 1536 was selected to be a scholar at the Nanking National University. Meanwhile he took the provincial examination six times, finally passing it in 1540 to become a chu-jen. By then his essays were known and his style imitated nationally. It was another twenty-five years, however, before he succeeded in becoming a chin-shih. He was then sixty sui.<break>For a talented man like Kuei Yu-kuang, it must have required patience, perseverance, and extraordinary self-discipline to survive the rejections time and again for some forty years, during which he had to see his friends, then students, and later even their children graduate to officialdom. His lot, however, was greatly eased by the prestige of his gentry family, by a modest inheritance of a house and some land, by fortunate marriages, and by his fame as a teacher, for many young men came to study with him. He also received some income from the writing of eulogies and epitaphs for wealthy families, especial-<break>ly for those in his neighborhood. He occasionally took an active interest in local affairs. In 1546 he published a book, the San Wu shui li shu 三吳水利書，4 ch„ on the necessity of dredging the Woosung River in order to reduce the damage from annual floods in the Soochow area. He lamented the lack of wisdom in the government for its neglect of an area on which it depended for the main part of its revenue. His proposals surprisingly enough were not followed until twenty-three years later (see Hai Jui). Another project Kuei advocated was the strengthening of the local garrisons to fight the Japanese pirates, a subject on which he wrote several essays during the years 1553 to 1555.<break>After he graduated as chin-shih in 1565 Kuei was assigned for a period of training to the ministry of Works. Later he received an appointment as magistrate of Ch，ang-hsing 長興，Chekiang, where he assumed office early in 1566. ChEng-hsing is situated only some two hundred miles from his home on the other side of T'ai Lake and in the same dialect area. Through direct communication with the common people he learned of improper practices in the administration, which he tried to rectify. He discovered that the land register had not been revised for many years, resulting in serious inaccuracies in the records of land ownership and taxation. Some wealthy families which profited from such irregularities resented his meddling in their affairs and worked for his removal.<break>As magistrate Kuei was happy that after decades of preparation he finally was able, as a conscientious official, to translate his ideals into practice. His personal wealth made it possible for him to spend his magistrate's income on public works, such as the repair and extension of the living quarters of the resident official. During a drought he climbed to the top of a mountain to pray for rain and had the satisfaction of watching it fall heavily immediately thereafter. His duties included the supervision of the students. One<break>KUEI Yu-kuang<break>[760]<break>night while in Hangchow he dreamed of repairing an ancient tripod. When three students of his district passed the provincial examination of that year (1567) and certain people interpreted the dream as an omen foretelling their success, he named the residence hall, newly rebuilt with his own funds,, the Meng-ting-f ang 夢鼎堂(hall of the tripod dream). The monument which bears the inscription relating this episode, the “Meng-ting・t'ang chi” 記，has reccently been recovered in Ch'ang-hsing. The original inscription was written in the hand of Wu Ch'eng-en (q. v.), then serving as vice magistrate of Ch'ang-hsing. Incidentally, except for this and another inscription proving the association of the two scholars in that year, the writings of both so far available in print have betrayed not even a hint of their having ever met.<break>Kuei Yu-kuang's occasional visits to Hangchow on official duties, such as serving on the examination commission of 1567, probably provided his enemies with the opportunity to plot against him. Thus in 1568, even before his term of magistracy ended, he was promoted to assistant prefect of Shun-te 順德-fu, Pei-Chihli, in charge of the office concerned with farming out government horses among the people. He left his magistracy with bitterness for he resented the injustice of promotion (7A to 6A) to a post usually reserved for the senile, the invalided, or those with lower degrees. At first he complained, pleaded for another assignment, and even considered retirement. Later he changed his mind and assumed the office in Shun-te in 1569. His duties being light, he had time to study the file of documents and to write a long history of the administrative control of government horses {Ma-cheng-chih 馬政志).He also made proposals for extensive reforms (Ma-cheng-i 議)in order to alleviate the suffering of the common people involved. In 1570 he was given the title of assistant to the director of the Court of the Imperial Stud at Nanking, but was sum-<break>moned to Peking where he helped in the editing of the history of that court. Meanwhile the grand secretaries—Kao Kung (see Chang Chii-cheng), Chao Cheh-chi, and Li Ch'un-fang (qq. v.) who admired him as a writer—assigned him to the Grand Secretariat to serve as a drafter and as a compiler of the Veritable Records, Shih-tsung shih-lu. Unfortunately he died a few months later. He was buried in 1575 in K'un-shan, the inscription on his tombstone being written by another grand secretary, Wang Hsi-chueh (q.v.). The tomb has been repaired many times by magistrates of K'un-shan and by local admirers. Kuei Yu-kuang married three times. His first wife (married 1528, d. 1533) was the second daughter of Wei Hsiang (see Cheng Jo-tseng), the owner of several thousand acres of rich farm land, and his second wife (married ca. 1534, d. 1551) came from a Wang王 family which had declined in wealth but still owned a country villa of a hundred rooms, known as the Shih-mei-t'ang 世美堂.One of his sons, Kuei Tzu-ning 子寧(T.仲数:，H.徹 園)，was a military chu-jen of 1576 and another, Kuei Tzu-mu 子恭(T.季思，H. 陶庵)，became a chii-jen in 1591.<break>It is said that there used to be a Fukien edition of samples of Kuefs writings in 2 chuan, but it probably no longer exists. After his death, a second collection was edited in 1574 and printed in Ch'ang・shu 常熟 under the title Chen-cKuan hsien-sheng wen-chi 震川先生文集，20 ch. His sons at once considered it inadequate and produced a third edition in 1575, Kuei hsien-sheng wen-chi, 30 c%., with one additional chuan of poems and another of biographical matter. In 1660 an admirer, Ch'ien Ch'ien-i (ECCP), helped one of Kuefs grandsons, Kuei Chuang (ECCP), to edit a fourth and larger edition, Chen-cKuan hsien-sheng wen-chi, 30 c/., with an appendix, pieh-chi 別集，10 cA.; these were printed in the years 1667 and 1675 respectively. The two together became the copy on which later editions were based. There is a manuscript collec-<break>[761]<break>K'UN・TS'AN<break>tion compiled about 1580, entitled Kuei Chen-cWuan hsien-sheng wei £。kao 未刻稿, 25 ch., in 6 fascicles, preserved in the National Central Library, Taipei. In 1799 there appeared the most nearly complete edition of his collected works entitled Chen-cKuan ta-cKiian chi 大全集 which added two supplements, pu-chi 補集 and yu-chi 餘集，each in 8 chiian. There are also some minor works attributed to Kuei as the writer or compiler. One collection Chu-tzu hui-han 諸子彙函，20 c〃.，was possibly assembled by a bookdealer who used his name for effect. During the 18th century certain of Kuefs books were listed for suppression, largely, it seems, because of their association with the names of Ch'ien Ch^en-i and Lti Liu^liang (ECCP) who had edited some of them. These include the Chen-cKuan chi, Chen-cKuan pieh-chi, and Kuei Chen-cWuan shih we〃 kao 詩 文稿.In spite of this the Chen-cKuan we〃 chi and pieh-chi form part of the Imperial Library.<break>The main writings of Kuei Yu-kuang are all assembled in the fourth edition of his collected works. The essays, written in a plain and lucid style, reveal the honesty and strength of the character of the author. The accounts relating to his mother (“Hsiang-chi hsiian chi” 項脊軒記)and to his deceased second wife (“Shih-mei-tEng hou-chi” 世美堂後記)are masterpieces of tenderness. Through his letters and public documents he displayed the sensitivity of a scholar molded by Confucian ethics— unyielding in upholding justice, and compassionate. As an essayist Kuei belonged to the Tsang-Sung school (唐宋派，see Mao K5un and Pang Shun-chih), which was opposed to the “archaic" school represented by the “seven later masters" (see Li P'an-iung). One of the seven, Wang Shih-chen (qj.), apparently made some derogatory remarks about Kuei's prose. Kuei retorted by criticizing Wang as wang 妄 (overconfident) and yung 庸(mediocre) to which Wang replied that he might be overconfident but never mediocre. Kuefs comment was that overconfidence is the<break>result of mediocrity. In later years, however, Wang regretted his earlier opinions and acknowledged Kuei as a master essayist, comparing him with Han Yii and Ou-yang Hsiu. This appraisal was concurred in by late Ming and Ch'ing critics, especially those of the T'ung-ch'eng school (see Fang Pao in ECCP).
LIANG C^en-yii 梁辰魚(T.伯龍，H.少 伯，仇池外史)，ca・ 1510-ca. 1582), dramatist, poet, and musician, was a native of K'un-shan 崑山，near Soochow. He was reportedly tall of stature and bearded, a handsome, talented man. After repeated failures in the examinations he purchased the title of scholar in the National University and pursued the life of a romantic writer. It happened that in the same locality there was a well-known musician and composer,1 Wei Liang-fu (q. v.), who is believed to have devoted ten years to the classical opera and the popular music of the lower Yangtze valley. It was he who combined the two, which resulted in a highly sophisticated form later called K^n-c^u 單曲.WeFs new technique, which unconditionally excluded ranting and shouting, necessitated a total reorganization of the dramatic orchestra, involving the replacement of noisy instruments with subtler, quieter accompaniment Liang, who had a full and<break>pleasing voice himself, learned the dramatic arts from Wei and wrote a special play entitled Huan-sha chi 浣紗記，making use of the newly developed technique. It incidentally made the K'un-ch'ii a stage success. Thus it may be said that through Liang's efforts the prestige that this school of theatrical art enjoyed was established. From now on Wei and Liang were men of repute, so much so that a number of scholars and musicians came to work under them; at the same time other schools of drama began to be influenced by the new developments in the theater. Eventually K'un-ch'ii of the southern style drama prevailed for more than two centuries over all other forms, at least among sophisticated theater-goers. Some of the tunes from the Huan-sha chi may be found in Na-shu-ying cKu-^u 納書楹曲譜.<break>In the years from 1553 to 1575, Liang traveled extensively at the invitation of wealthy officials, probably in the capacity of adviser in theatrical matters. He also wrote in the lyrical San-ch*u style a book entitled Chiang-tung pai-c〃〃江東白苧, 2 ch., with a supplement Hsii 續 Chiang-rung pai-chu9 2 ch. Other works of his include a collection of poems, Yiian-yu kao 遠遊稿 and two shorter dramatic works of the tsa-chu style, namely, Hung-hsien nu yeh-cKieh huang-chin ho 紅線女夜 竊黃金盒 and the Hung-hsiao-chi shou-yu cKuan-cKing 紅綃妓手語傳情.The former, commonly known as the Hung-hsien 哂 may be found in the collection Sheng-Ming tsa-chu 盛明雜劇，printed in 1919.<break>A friend once wrote a poem addressed to Liang, which contains the following lines：<break>The man of penetration prefers the epicurean way<break>Disdaining all strictures-••.<break>Charming songs from his colorful pen Bloom resplendent like spring flowers.<break>With a pint of wine, a song at night, A Soochow girl in an old man's embrace,<break>And no savings at all, he is followed by a flock of youths—.<break>LIANG Ch'u<break>[894]<break>This picture of a man about town reflects one phase of metropolitan life in the Yangtze delta of the 16th century; Liang Ch'en-yii's life may be considered a typical one.
WEI Liang-fu 魏良輔，flourished 16th century, musician, is said to have been a native of K'un-shan 崑山， near Soochow. He appeared at T'ai-ts'ang 太倉 near Kunshan about 1540, and is closely connected with the origin and development of k'un-c^ii 崑曲，the flower of the southern drama and the most prestigious of all theatrical forms in China for three hundred years. The term k'un-ch'ii (musical songs and plays of K'un-shan) or K'un-shan ch4ang 腔(tunes of K，un-shan) denotes a style of opera. It is reported that Wei turned to the study of southern songs and lyrics after he had been surpassed in the northern drama by a friend, Wang Yu-shan 王友山.He devoted himself so completely to this art that one legend relates that he did not leave his study for ten years.<break>It is at this particular time that Wei seems to have had a hand in the final shaping of the k'un-ch'ii into its unique form through a process of adaptation, blending, and innovation within a number of local styles. During this period, the southern opera was divided into four basic musical modes, each of which was related to the manner and dialect of the particular district in which it originated： 1) the I-yang 弋陽 ch'iang (Kiangsi), 2) the Yii-yao 餘姚 ch'iang (Chekiang), 3) the Hai-yen 海鹽 ch'iang (Chekiang), and 4) the K'un-shan ch'iang (Nan-Chihli). When Wei arrived at Ktn-shan, the southern drama, with its gentler, more melodic tunes, had begun to vie with the northern drama in prestige and popularity. Nevertheless, Wei was not satisfied with any of the four styles of the south, as they seemed to lack aesthetic beauty and form. He saw some potential in the K'un-shan ch'iang, however, even though it was the least known and performed of all the styles. It was conducted in the Wu dialect, a soft, pleasant-sounding, but unusual speech which was incomprehensible to the other regions of China. Linguistic limitations, then, restricted performances in this style to the Wu<break>district (or Soochow region), an area extending eastward from Ch'ang-chou 常 州 to Shanghai.<break>The K'un-shan style which Wei Liang-fu chose as the basic pattern for his innovations had obviously existed for some time. A statement by Chu Yiin-ming (q.v.) in his Wei fan 猥談(Vulgar talks) indicates it was created long before Wei's appearance on the scene. Other evidence in the Ching lin hsu-chi 涇林續記 by Chou Yiian-wei 周元障 reveals that the K'un-shan ch'iang was known as early as the Hung-wu period. A recently discovered handwritten copy of the Nan 〃‘〃 yin cheng by Wen Cheng-ming (q.v.) shows that Wei； himself attributed its creation to a man of the late Yuan dynasty by the name of Ku Chien 顧堅.Thus it is likely that the Kun-shan ch*iang had been performed as an operatic art for several decades, perhaps for over a hundred years. It appears then that Wei did not originate the Kunshan ch'iang, but only elaborated upon it and brought it to perfection.<break>As Wei improved the provincial music and folk songs of this area, he combined them with various musical techniques and the best elements from the Hai-yen, I-yang, and even northern tunes. In forming a new musical style from existing modes and rhythms, he refined his artic-lation and vocalization in the pronunciation of sounds so that his artistic matching of tones with tempo and pitch enthralled his audiences. His new product was also called shui mo tiao 水磨調(tune of the water mill), for the smooth and steady waves of sounds were restrained, just like the water flowing through the mill. The elegance, grace, and superb mastery of Wefs music both surprised and fascinated the other song masters of Soochow, all of whom acknowledged that it was far superior to the other styles.<break>Wei Liang-fu was assisted in his work by other musicians, namely, Yuan Jan 袁 髯，Yu T'o 尤駝，and the famous master Kuo Yiin-shih 過云適，but perhaps the most important person was his son-in-law, Chang<break>[1463]<break>WEI Liang-fu<break>Yeh-fang 張野塘(a native of Anhwei). Chang was also an expert in northern songs and lyrics, and had come to T'ai-ts'ang as an exile. When Wei heard Chang's singing, he not only engaged him as an assistant, but also proposed that Chang marry his daughter. Chang's contribution was important, because he was able to help Wei improve the instrumentation for his music.<break>Northern drama used the hsien 絃 or stringed instruments to provide the leading musical accompaniment, whereas the southern drama had the kuan 管 or wind instruments. By combining instruments from both operatic styles Wei produced a symphony with wind, string, and percussion to orchestrate fully the beautiful songs in his repertoire. He took the ti-tzu 笛子(the horizontal flute) as the leading instrument and harmonized it with the sheng 笙(reed or bamboo wind organ), the pipa 琵琶(lute), san 三 hsien (mandolin), yiieh ch'in 月琴(moon guitar), hsiao 簫(vertical flute), and finally a small drum and wooden clapper to mark time and accentuate the rhythm. Wei also used a musical scale of seven notes instead of the ancient five.<break>This improvement in orchestration and accompaniment produced a strong, plaintive sound which stressed the soft, pliant tones of the flute. The notes were not only even, harmonious, and correct, but they were longer and fuller with more variation in phraseology, subtlety, and style. Under Wei's direction, strict attention was given to the rules of prosody and length of measure in union with the sweet sounding instruments. The combination of the north-south musical accompaniment with the lyrical song resulted in such a moving dreamy style that it was considered a novel and outstandiiig contribution to the musical theater.<break>Although Wei perfected the k'un-ch'ii as an elegant, romantic, musical drama with songs sung to the flute, the final artistic touch necessary was the addition of poetic lyrics and narrative. Wei's new<break>style was purely a musical form without any acting or dancing, for he was not a playwright but a scholar with musical training. Consequently, the k'un-ch'ii was produced formally as a theatrical medium only when it was adopted by Liang Ch'en-yii (q.v.) for his play, Huan-sha chi 浣紗記(which Josephine Huang Hung calls the Beauty Trap, and Colin Mackerras the Laundering of the Silken Stole).<break>Wei and his collaborators achieved fame when the k'un-ch'ii eclipsed other operatic forms as the chief dramatic presentation in China. But it is Wei, the musical master and key member of a team which guided this dramatic style to its ultimate form, to whom we must give much of the credit. For the k'un-ch'ii style certainly changed the nature of theater entertainment and encouraged an impressive number of great playwrights to create a voluminous treasury of dramatic literature. This made the Ming opera a literary, as well as a performing, art, and one of the great glories of Chinese opera.<break>[Editors, note: It so happens that a near contemporary of the same name, a native of Hsin-chien 新建，Kiangsi, is often confused with him. This second Wei Liang-fu (T.師召，H.尙泉，此齋)came not only from a gentry family but was also a chii-jen of 1516 and a chin-shih of 1526, later holding official positions as high as surveillance vice commissioner of Kwangsi (1550) and administration commissioner of Hukuang (1551?). A long eulogy by Wang Tsung-mu (，.v.) written in； 1551 describes him as an elderly official, scholarly and upright. He must have been near sixty at that time, too late to start a new life in music.]
KUEI Yu-kuang歸有光(T.熙甫，開甫, H.震川)，January 6, 1507-February 7, 1571, essayist, was a native of K'un-shan, east of Soochow. He came from an old landed family that had settled there for ten generations. One of his granduncles was an officer of the Soochow Guard, and his grandfather, Kuei Feng 鳳(T.應 韶，cj 1474), served as magistrate of Ch'eng・wu城武，Shantung. From childhood Kuei Yu-kuang studied for the career of a scholar-official, devoting himself to mas-tering the Confucian Classics and composing the kind of essays required in examination halls. He specialized in the study of / Ching (the Book of Change), winning acclaim in 1519 when he qualified as a student of the district school. Six years later he became a stipend student in the Soochow prefectural school and in 1536 was selected to be a scholar at the Nanking National University. Meanwhile he took the provincial examination six times, finally passing it in 1540 to become a chu-jen. By then his essays were known and his style imitated nationally. It was another twenty-five years, however, before he succeeded in becoming a chin-shih. He was then sixty sui.<break>For a talented man like Kuei Yu-kuang, it must have required patience, perseverance, and extraordinary self-discipline to survive the rejections time and again for some forty years, during which he had to see his friends, then students, and later even their children graduate to officialdom. His lot, however, was greatly eased by the prestige of his gentry family, by a modest inheritance of a house and some land, by fortunate marriages, and by his fame as a teacher, for many young men came to study with him. He also received some income from the writing of eulogies and epitaphs for wealthy families, especial-<break>ly for those in his neighborhood. He occasionally took an active interest in local affairs. In 1546 he published a book, the San Wu shui li shu 三吳水利書，4 ch„ on the necessity of dredging the Woosung River in order to reduce the damage from annual floods in the Soochow area. He lamented the lack of wisdom in the government for its neglect of an area on which it depended for the main part of its revenue. His proposals surprisingly enough were not followed until twenty-three years later (see Hai Jui). Another project Kuei advocated was the strengthening of the local garrisons to fight the Japanese pirates, a subject on which he wrote several essays during the years 1553 to 1555.<break>After he graduated as chin-shih in 1565 Kuei was assigned for a period of training to the ministry of Works. Later he received an appointment as magistrate of Ch，ang-hsing 長興，Chekiang, where he assumed office early in 1566. ChEng-hsing is situated only some two hundred miles from his home on the other side of T'ai Lake and in the same dialect area. Through direct communication with the common people he learned of improper practices in the administration, which he tried to rectify. He discovered that the land register had not been revised for many years, resulting in serious inaccuracies in the records of land ownership and taxation. Some wealthy families which profited from such irregularities resented his meddling in their affairs and worked for his removal.<break>As magistrate Kuei was happy that after decades of preparation he finally was able, as a conscientious official, to translate his ideals into practice. His personal wealth made it possible for him to spend his magistrate's income on public works, such as the repair and extension of the living quarters of the resident official. During a drought he climbed to the top of a mountain to pray for rain and had the satisfaction of watching it fall heavily immediately thereafter. His duties included the supervision of the students. One<break>KUEI Yu-kuang<break>[760]<break>night while in Hangchow he dreamed of repairing an ancient tripod. When three students of his district passed the provincial examination of that year (1567) and certain people interpreted the dream as an omen foretelling their success, he named the residence hall, newly rebuilt with his own funds,, the Meng-ting-f ang 夢鼎堂(hall of the tripod dream). The monument which bears the inscription relating this episode, the “Meng-ting・t'ang chi” 記，has reccently been recovered in Ch'ang-hsing. The original inscription was written in the hand of Wu Ch'eng-en (q. v.), then serving as vice magistrate of Ch'ang-hsing. Incidentally, except for this and another inscription proving the association of the two scholars in that year, the writings of both so far available in print have betrayed not even a hint of their having ever met.<break>Kuei Yu-kuang's occasional visits to Hangchow on official duties, such as serving on the examination commission of 1567, probably provided his enemies with the opportunity to plot against him. Thus in 1568, even before his term of magistracy ended, he was promoted to assistant prefect of Shun-te 順德-fu, Pei-Chihli, in charge of the office concerned with farming out government horses among the people. He left his magistracy with bitterness for he resented the injustice of promotion (7A to 6A) to a post usually reserved for the senile, the invalided, or those with lower degrees. At first he complained, pleaded for another assignment, and even considered retirement. Later he changed his mind and assumed the office in Shun-te in 1569. His duties being light, he had time to study the file of documents and to write a long history of the administrative control of government horses {Ma-cheng-chih 馬政志).He also made proposals for extensive reforms (Ma-cheng-i 議)in order to alleviate the suffering of the common people involved. In 1570 he was given the title of assistant to the director of the Court of the Imperial Stud at Nanking, but was sum-<break>moned to Peking where he helped in the editing of the history of that court. Meanwhile the grand secretaries—Kao Kung (see Chang Chii-cheng), Chao Cheh-chi, and Li Ch'un-fang (qq. v.) who admired him as a writer—assigned him to the Grand Secretariat to serve as a drafter and as a compiler of the Veritable Records, Shih-tsung shih-lu. Unfortunately he died a few months later. He was buried in 1575 in K'un-shan, the inscription on his tombstone being written by another grand secretary, Wang Hsi-chueh (q.v.). The tomb has been repaired many times by magistrates of K'un-shan and by local admirers. Kuei Yu-kuang married three times. His first wife (married 1528, d. 1533) was the second daughter of Wei Hsiang (see Cheng Jo-tseng), the owner of several thousand acres of rich farm land, and his second wife (married ca. 1534, d. 1551) came from a Wang王 family which had declined in wealth but still owned a country villa of a hundred rooms, known as the Shih-mei-t'ang 世美堂.One of his sons, Kuei Tzu-ning 子寧(T.仲数:，H.徹 園)，was a military chu-jen of 1576 and another, Kuei Tzu-mu 子恭(T.季思，H. 陶庵)，became a chii-jen in 1591.<break>It is said that there used to be a Fukien edition of samples of Kuefs writings in 2 chuan, but it probably no longer exists. After his death, a second collection was edited in 1574 and printed in Ch'ang・shu 常熟 under the title Chen-cKuan hsien-sheng wen-chi 震川先生文集，20 ch. His sons at once considered it inadequate and produced a third edition in 1575, Kuei hsien-sheng wen-chi, 30 c%., with one additional chuan of poems and another of biographical matter. In 1660 an admirer, Ch'ien Ch'ien-i (ECCP), helped one of Kuefs grandsons, Kuei Chuang (ECCP), to edit a fourth and larger edition, Chen-cKuan hsien-sheng wen-chi, 30 c/., with an appendix, pieh-chi 別集，10 cA.; these were printed in the years 1667 and 1675 respectively. The two together became the copy on which later editions were based. There is a manuscript collec-<break>[761]<break>K'UN・TS'AN<break>tion compiled about 1580, entitled Kuei Chen-cWuan hsien-sheng wei £。kao 未刻稿, 25 ch., in 6 fascicles, preserved in the National Central Library, Taipei. In 1799 there appeared the most nearly complete edition of his collected works entitled Chen-cKuan ta-cKiian chi 大全集 which added two supplements, pu-chi 補集 and yu-chi 餘集，each in 8 chiian. There are also some minor works attributed to Kuei as the writer or compiler. One collection Chu-tzu hui-han 諸子彙函，20 c〃.，was possibly assembled by a bookdealer who used his name for effect. During the 18th century certain of Kuefs books were listed for suppression, largely, it seems, because of their association with the names of Ch'ien Ch^en-i and Lti Liu^liang (ECCP) who had edited some of them. These include the Chen-cKuan chi, Chen-cKuan pieh-chi, and Kuei Chen-cWuan shih we〃 kao 詩 文稿.In spite of this the Chen-cKuan we〃 chi and pieh-chi form part of the Imperial Library.<break>The main writings of Kuei Yu-kuang are all assembled in the fourth edition of his collected works. The essays, written in a plain and lucid style, reveal the honesty and strength of the character of the author. The accounts relating to his mother (“Hsiang-chi hsiian chi” 項脊軒記)and to his deceased second wife (“Shih-mei-tEng hou-chi” 世美堂後記)are masterpieces of tenderness. Through his letters and public documents he displayed the sensitivity of a scholar molded by Confucian ethics— unyielding in upholding justice, and compassionate. As an essayist Kuei belonged to the Tsang-Sung school (唐宋派，see Mao K5un and Pang Shun-chih), which was opposed to the “archaic" school represented by the “seven later masters" (see Li P'an-iung). One of the seven, Wang Shih-chen (qj.), apparently made some derogatory remarks about Kuei's prose. Kuei retorted by criticizing Wang as wang 妄 (overconfident) and yung 庸(mediocre) to which Wang replied that he might be overconfident but never mediocre. Kuefs comment was that overconfidence is the<break>result of mediocrity. In later years, however, Wang regretted his earlier opinions and acknowledged Kuei as a master essayist, comparing him with Han Yii and Ou-yang Hsiu. This appraisal was concurred in by late Ming and Ch'ing critics, especially those of the T'ung-ch'eng school (see Fang Pao in ECCP).
WEI Liang-fu 魏良輔，flourished 16th century, musician, is said to have been a native of K'un-shan 崑山， near Soochow. He appeared at T'ai-ts'ang 太倉 near Kunshan about 1540, and is closely connected with the origin and development of k'un-c^ii 崑曲，the flower of the southern drama and the most prestigious of all theatrical forms in China for three hundred years. The term k'un-ch'ii (musical songs and plays of K'un-shan) or K'un-shan ch4ang 腔(tunes of K，un-shan) denotes a style of opera. It is reported that Wei turned to the study of southern songs and lyrics after he had been surpassed in the northern drama by a friend, Wang Yu-shan 王友山.He devoted himself so completely to this art that one legend relates that he did not leave his study for ten years.<break>It is at this particular time that Wei seems to have had a hand in the final shaping of the k'un-ch'ii into its unique form through a process of adaptation, blending, and innovation within a number of local styles. During this period, the southern opera was divided into four basic musical modes, each of which was related to the manner and dialect of the particular district in which it originated： 1) the I-yang 弋陽 ch'iang (Kiangsi), 2) the Yii-yao 餘姚 ch'iang (Chekiang), 3) the Hai-yen 海鹽 ch'iang (Chekiang), and 4) the K'un-shan ch'iang (Nan-Chihli). When Wei arrived at Ktn-shan, the southern drama, with its gentler, more melodic tunes, had begun to vie with the northern drama in prestige and popularity. Nevertheless, Wei was not satisfied with any of the four styles of the south, as they seemed to lack aesthetic beauty and form. He saw some potential in the K'un-shan ch'iang, however, even though it was the least known and performed of all the styles. It was conducted in the Wu dialect, a soft, pleasant-sounding, but unusual speech which was incomprehensible to the other regions of China. Linguistic limitations, then, restricted performances in this style to the Wu<break>district (or Soochow region), an area extending eastward from Ch'ang-chou 常 州 to Shanghai.<break>The K'un-shan style which Wei Liang-fu chose as the basic pattern for his innovations had obviously existed for some time. A statement by Chu Yiin-ming (q.v.) in his Wei fan 猥談(Vulgar talks) indicates it was created long before Wei's appearance on the scene. Other evidence in the Ching lin hsu-chi 涇林續記 by Chou Yiian-wei 周元障 reveals that the K'un-shan ch'iang was known as early as the Hung-wu period. A recently discovered handwritten copy of the Nan 〃‘〃 yin cheng by Wen Cheng-ming (q.v.) shows that Wei； himself attributed its creation to a man of the late Yuan dynasty by the name of Ku Chien 顧堅.Thus it is likely that the Kun-shan ch*iang had been performed as an operatic art for several decades, perhaps for over a hundred years. It appears then that Wei did not originate the Kunshan ch'iang, but only elaborated upon it and brought it to perfection.<break>As Wei improved the provincial music and folk songs of this area, he combined them with various musical techniques and the best elements from the Hai-yen, I-yang, and even northern tunes. In forming a new musical style from existing modes and rhythms, he refined his artic-lation and vocalization in the pronunciation of sounds so that his artistic matching of tones with tempo and pitch enthralled his audiences. His new product was also called shui mo tiao 水磨調(tune of the water mill), for the smooth and steady waves of sounds were restrained, just like the water flowing through the mill. The elegance, grace, and superb mastery of Wefs music both surprised and fascinated the other song masters of Soochow, all of whom acknowledged that it was far superior to the other styles.<break>Wei Liang-fu was assisted in his work by other musicians, namely, Yuan Jan 袁 髯，Yu T'o 尤駝，and the famous master Kuo Yiin-shih 過云適，but perhaps the most important person was his son-in-law, Chang<break>[1463]<break>WEI Liang-fu<break>Yeh-fang 張野塘(a native of Anhwei). Chang was also an expert in northern songs and lyrics, and had come to T'ai-ts'ang as an exile. When Wei heard Chang's singing, he not only engaged him as an assistant, but also proposed that Chang marry his daughter. Chang's contribution was important, because he was able to help Wei improve the instrumentation for his music.<break>Northern drama used the hsien 絃 or stringed instruments to provide the leading musical accompaniment, whereas the southern drama had the kuan 管 or wind instruments. By combining instruments from both operatic styles Wei produced a symphony with wind, string, and percussion to orchestrate fully the beautiful songs in his repertoire. He took the ti-tzu 笛子(the horizontal flute) as the leading instrument and harmonized it with the sheng 笙(reed or bamboo wind organ), the pipa 琵琶(lute), san 三 hsien (mandolin), yiieh ch'in 月琴(moon guitar), hsiao 簫(vertical flute), and finally a small drum and wooden clapper to mark time and accentuate the rhythm. Wei also used a musical scale of seven notes instead of the ancient five.<break>This improvement in orchestration and accompaniment produced a strong, plaintive sound which stressed the soft, pliant tones of the flute. The notes were not only even, harmonious, and correct, but they were longer and fuller with more variation in phraseology, subtlety, and style. Under Wei's direction, strict attention was given to the rules of prosody and length of measure in union with the sweet sounding instruments. The combination of the north-south musical accompaniment with the lyrical song resulted in such a moving dreamy style that it was considered a novel and outstandiiig contribution to the musical theater.<break>Although Wei perfected the k'un-ch'ii as an elegant, romantic, musical drama with songs sung to the flute, the final artistic touch necessary was the addition of poetic lyrics and narrative. Wei's new<break>style was purely a musical form without any acting or dancing, for he was not a playwright but a scholar with musical training. Consequently, the k'un-ch'ii was produced formally as a theatrical medium only when it was adopted by Liang Ch'en-yii (q.v.) for his play, Huan-sha chi 浣紗記(which Josephine Huang Hung calls the Beauty Trap, and Colin Mackerras the Laundering of the Silken Stole).<break>Wei and his collaborators achieved fame when the k'un-ch'ii eclipsed other operatic forms as the chief dramatic presentation in China. But it is Wei, the musical master and key member of a team which guided this dramatic style to its ultimate form, to whom we must give much of the credit. For the k'un-ch'ii style certainly changed the nature of theater entertainment and encouraged an impressive number of great playwrights to create a voluminous treasury of dramatic literature. This made the Ming opera a literary, as well as a performing, art, and one of the great glories of Chinese opera.<break>[Editors, note: It so happens that a near contemporary of the same name, a native of Hsin-chien 新建，Kiangsi, is often confused with him. This second Wei Liang-fu (T.師召，H.尙泉，此齋)came not only from a gentry family but was also a chii-jen of 1516 and a chin-shih of 1526, later holding official positions as high as surveillance vice commissioner of Kwangsi (1550) and administration commissioner of Hukuang (1551?). A long eulogy by Wang Tsung-mu (，.v.) written in； 1551 describes him as an elderly official, scholarly and upright. He must have been near sixty at that time, too late to start a new life in music.]
YANG Hsun-chi楊循吉(T.君謙，H .南峯‧ ) 1458-1546，scholar, poet, and bibliophile, was a native of Soochow. The family had lived earlier in K’un-shan 寛山，but in the last years of the Yiian dynasty it made the move to avoid hostilities on the part of groups contending for mastery of the region. When his great-great-grandfather, a soldier, died in action, his widow nee T’ao 陶 was left with five sons. In the early years of the Hung-wu period she either willingly or by coercion found service in the imperial palace. Yang Hsiin-chi gives as her title Nei-t’ing mu-mu 內 廷姥姥• In her old age she was allowed to return home. It seems that on her account the family became well-to-do. Of the five sons, the eldest, Yang Hsiin-chi’s great-grandfather, placed in the category of wealthy citizens (富民)， moved to Nanking on government order in an effort made by the emperor to redistribute the rich families and to bring prosperity to the capital. This branch of the family presumably did not settle in Nanking, but returned later to Soochow. The second son was a merchant, engaged in commerce in Fukien, who possessed large holdings of real property; the third son was his associate. The two younger sons were<break>[1514] "YANG Hsiin-chi both given posts in the palace through their mother's instrumentality, the older becoming a eunuch who served in the directorate of woodcraft and bookcraft （御用監），and the fifth acting as supervisor of the Taoist temple of ceremonial music and dance （神樂觀）.<break>In spite of the favorable financial situation of the family, no member elected to pursue an official career through the examinations until the time of Yang Hsiin-chi. The change of social status was quite obviously brought about by the distaff side. Yang Hsiin-chi's maternal uncle, Liu ChEng 劉昌（T.欽謨，H.梭園， 1424-80, cs 1445）, who rose to administration vice commissioner of Kwangtung, was an accomplished scholar and poet. It was under this uncle's inspiration and guidance that Yang, who was endowed with natural gifts, became a serious student and had little difficulty in achieving success in the examinations. A chii-jen of 1477, he obtained the chin-shih in 1484, and received the appointment of a bureau secretary in the ministry of Rites. His official career, however, was short. As he was absent from his duties too often, pleading illness real or fancied, he received a reprimand. When he asked to be transferred to a teaching post so that he might be near his home, his request was refused. In 1488, at the early age of thirty, he left office and returned to Soochow. In retirement he devoted his time to studying, writing, and building up his library.<break>A common practice in book collecting of the time was to borrow rare works and copy them by hand. Two of Yang's poems, one on his bookcases, and one on copying books, give a vivid picture of his life as a bibliophile, his enjoyment, and his concerns. He complained of the lack of interest in books on the part of his family, and expressed the wish that he might give them away to his friends before his death, so that his precious collection might not be dispersed or destroyed. From his collection it is said that he produced a classified encyclopedic hand-<break>book, the Hsi-nang shou-ching 奚囊手鏡 （13 chuan according to one source, 20 chiian according to another）, which the editors of the Ssu-k'u catalogue praised for its bibliographic comprehensiveness.<break>In 1489, owing to a palace fire, the emperor, Chu Yu-fang〈q. v.）, asked in a decree for frank comments from his subjects. Yang, still at home, submitted a memorial suggesting the restoration of the Chien-wen 建文 reign title in order that historical facts might be put in their proper order. No reply came, nor was his suggestion adopted; his sense of and interest in history, however, are thus revealed （see Ch'en Yii-pi）. For the compilation of the Hsiao-tsung shih-lu in 1506, the ministry of Rites issued orders to the provinces to supply relevant materials. The responsibility for collecting data from Soochow fell to Yang. The result was the Su-chou-A tsuan-hsiu chih-lueh 蘇州府纂修識畧 in 6 chiian. Perhaps a by-product of this labor resulted in the Wli-chun^ yvang-che chi 吳中往哲記，also known as Wu-chung ku-shih 故實，a short biographical work about forty-one eminent men „of Soochow of the early years of the Ming. These brief biographies were later supplemented （hsii-chi 續記 and pu-i 補遺）by another Soochow scholar, Huang Lu-tseng （see Huang Hsing-tseng）. Yang left two other historical works, the Liao hsiao-shih 遼4、 史，1 c瓦，and the Chin 金 hsiao-shih, 8 ch. As these deal with the Khitan and Jur-chen, they were banned in the Ch'ing dynasty, and very few copies of the original editions （ca. 1609） have survived; in the early 1930s, however, they were reprinted in the first series of the Liao-hai ts'ung-shu 遼海叢書.Among his unfinished works, according to some sources, was also a projected history of the Sung dynasty, S〃〃g chi 宋紀.<break>Ma Chin 馬金（T.汝礪，cs 1484）, a graduate of the same year as Yang Hsiin-chi, who became prefect of Lu-chou-fu 廬 州府，Nan-Chihli, in 1504, invited Yang tb be chief editor of a local history of his district. After a stay of four months<break>[1515]<break>YANG Hsun-chi<break>in Lu-chou, Yang found himself in disagreement with the editorial policies of his host. He left, therefore, and returned home, but two years later he wrote his： recollections of Lu-chou in a brief ”ork「 entitled Lu-yang k'o-chi 廬陽客記，which may now be found in the Shuo-fu hsii；-part 26 (see Tao Tsung-i). Some years later, in 1529, he completed a gazetteer of his native place, the Wu-i chih 吳邑志， in 16 chiian, which has survived; so too has a work entitled Chin-shan tsa-chi 金山 雜記，1 cA” about the mountain west of Soochow, where in his youth he pursued his studies in a Buddhist monastery. He also left two short collections of anecdotes of human interest about his native Soochow, the Su-fan 蘇談,1 c瓦，and the Wu-chung ku-yu 吳中破語，1 ch.<break>In 1520, when Emperor Chu Hou-chao (q. v. ) was on his excursidn to Nanking, Yang was recommended for his poetic achievements and invited to join his entourage. The emperor took a fancy to his songs and lyrics and retained him for four and a half months. After the monarch returned to Peking, Yang was again summoned north, and remained in the capital until after the emperor's death. As to the one who made the recommendation to the emperor, several Ming authorities, including Wang Shih-chen (q. v. ), assert that it was the emperors favorite actor, Tsang Hsien (see Chu Hou-chao). T'an Ch'ien (q. v. ), however, in his Tsao-lin tsa-tsu objects, showing the assertion to be chronologically out of the question. Because of Tsang Hsien's involvement in the rebellion of Chu Ch'en-hao(see Wang Shou-jen), he fell out of favor, was punished, and later murdered (1519) before the emperor's trip to the south. The possibility should not be excluded, however, that Yang made the acquaintance of Tsang Hsien some time earlier, and that the emperor had heard Yang's name from Tsang. Wang Shih-chen also reports that the emperor made Yang wear military attire and treated him just as he did the actors; as a consequence Yang felt ashamed<break>and begged to be relieved, but Wang fails to mention that Yang was summoned to Peking later.<break>In 1536 Yang Hsiin-chi again presented to the throne a literary piece (頌)in praise of the erection of the new imperial ancestral temple, and a Taoist book, the Hua-yang c""i〃-ss〃 chai-i 華陽求嗣齋儀，10 ch., as the emperor, Chu Hou-tNung (q.v.), was a Taoist devotee and then concerned over the lack of an heir. At the age of eighty-five sui, Yang Hsiin-chi prepared his own /burial place, and wrote his own epitaph (生壇碑).Apparently he passed on none of his scholarly and literary attributes to his descendants. Perhaps it is equally true that he left them little of the family property, which he inherited, for sources indicate that in his old age he lived in straitened circumstances.<break>As a poet he has received tribute from most later critics for the freshness of his approach and his easy and lucid style. His own theory for writing good poetry is that it must come primarily from one's heart, and should be understandable “even to women and children.” His collected literary works, entitled the Sung-cWou-fang chi 松籌堂集，is noted in the Ssu-k'u imperial catalogue as a book of 12 chiian, but it also appears in 5 chiian, or 22 chiian in other lists. The National Central Library has a 5 chiian handwritten edition (a microfilm of which is available) with five subtitles: 1) The Tu-hsia tseng-seng shih 都下贈僧詳，a collection of poems presented to Buddhist monks, written in 1488. In that year the government issued one hundred ten thousand certificates to the Buddhists and Taoists. Among the Buddhist monks who went to Peking to qualify for the certificates were some of his acquaintances from Soochow. To each of these monks, at the time of his leaving Peking, Yang presented a poem. 2) The Chii-hua pai-yung 菊花百詠,one hundred poems singing the praises of a hundred varieties of chrysanthemums. 3) The Teng-cluang mo-i 燈窗墨藝and 4) The Tsuan-mei c瓦攢眉<break>YANG I-ch'ing<break>[1516]<break>集，two collections of essays. 5) The Lu-yang k'o-chi, a short gazetteer of Lu-chou mentioned above. The Ming-shih lists eight titles and the Ssu-k'u catalogue notes thirteen by Yang Hsiin-chi. Some sources state that he left works totaling nearly one thousand chiian, many of them no longer extant. In his autobiography (epitaph) he mentions that he had on hand at that time a few finished and unfinished works, and that he was editing them. Perhaps he never completed the effprt, which explains why the extant editions of the Sung-ch""ou-fang chi all differ in content as well as in number of chiian."
"YEH Sheng葉盛(T.與中，H.仲盛，蛻庵, 涇東.道人，澱東老漁，Pth.文莊)，1420-74, official, scholar, and bibliophile, was a native of K'un・shan 崑山 in the prefecture of Soochow. After becoming a chin-shih in 1445, he was appointed a supervising secretary in the War ministry's office of scrutiny. During the crisis of 1449, when Emperor Chu Ch'i-chen(q.v.) was captured by the Mongols, Yeh began to be noticed for his outspokenness. He first proposed the punishment of all those who had abandoned the emperor and slipped back to the capital. Then he proposed the selection of officers to train new troops in preparation for the launching of a counterattack. When the emperor's younger brother, Prince Ch'eng 部王(Chu Ch'i-yu, q.y.), ascended the throne, Yeh protested against the custom of bestowing presents and honors in a new reign, in the light of the recent ^catastrophe. Later in the same year, when the Mongols threatened Peking, Yeh again offered his counsel on various military and strategic matters.<break>After the crisis had eased, he received a promotion to chief supervising secretary, and was sent to rehabilitate the refugees in Honan (1450). When the new monarch reportedly tended to indulge more in pleasure than in public business, Yeh succeeded in persuading him to hold additional audiences at noon. In official conferences Yeh frequently expressed his opinions freely, paying little heed to the fact that his own status was a junior one. Some senior officials resented his forwardness, and gave him the nickname of Yeh Shao-pao 葉少保，or Yeh the Junior Guardian, mocking him for his bravado. At the same time, however, they recognized his ability.<break>In 1451 he received the appointment of right administration vice commissioner of Shansi with the specific duties of supervising military supplies for the frontier troops in Hsiian-fu, northwest of Peking. While holding the same rank he was later given the duties of a consultant to regional<break>commander Sun An 孫安(d. 1471), native of Kao-yu 高郵 in： the lower Yangtze valley, who was then assistant com-missioner-in-chief stationed in Hsiian-fu. The northern part of this area had been abandoned during the emergency of 1449. In cooperation with Sun An, Yeh helped “to resettle eight forts, the most prominent among them being Tu-shih 獨石.They provided for agricultural projects, improved transportation facilities, and established local schools and medical services. In his years in Hsiian-fu, Yeh contributed no small part to the stabilization of the northern frontier. In the latter part of 1456, when his father died, Yeh retired from office and returned home to observe the mourning period. This interruption in his official career may have been a very timely one, because it prevented him from becoming involved in the restoration of Chu Ch'i-chen (February, 1457).<break>Yeh was summoned to be assistant censor-in-chief in 1458 and to proceed to the south as governor of Kwangtung and Kwangsi. At this time these two provinces were troubled by bandits and the rebellious Yao 猫 tribe of Lung-shui 瀧水, Kwangtung. Following the pacification of the region, a governor of Kwangsi was appointed with Yeh assuming responsibility for Kwangtung alone. Three years later, after the enthronement of the new emperor (Chu Chien-shen, q.v.), Yeh returned to Peking for consultation. Then he was appointed left assistant censor-in-chief, and once more set out for Hsiian-fu, this time as governor. During his administration over seven hundred forts underwent repair, large areas of land were brought under cultivation, the living conditions of the settlers improved, and the defenses of the frontier made more secure. In 1467 he received promotion to right vice minister of Rites. Two years later he was transferred to a similar post in the ministry of Personnel. About this time certain high officials proposed to settle and fortify the Ordos region which had been abandoned to the Mongols for<break>[1581]<break>YEH Sheng<break>decades. Yeh received orders (1472) to look into the matter and to exchange opinions with those concerned. He advised against the proposal, and held that no offensive action should be taken unless the defenses were strong. Later such action, however, was taken, and proved unsuccessful (see Tseng Hsien). Two years before his death he became left vice minister of Personnel. He died in office (March 25) and received the posthumous name Wen-chuang.<break>If there ever was a typical pattern for a successful censorial career, Yeh Sheng's would certainly be so classified. He was once criticized for excessive slaughter in suppressing the Yao tribesmen and the bandits in Kwangtung and Kwangsi. He explained his actions, however, and received no reprimand. It 鶴 said that in court he had one antagonist in his famous contemporary, Ch'iu Chiin (,. v.). Could it be that Ch^u, being a native of Kwangturig, had received unfavorable reports, substantiated or not, about Yeh's administration in his own province, and thus nursed a grudge against him?<break>Yeh is said to have admired several Sung scholar officials for their attainments: in prose he emulated Ou-yang Hsiu (1007-72), in calligraphy he followed the style of Su Shih (1037-1101), and in administrative skill he looked up to Han Ch'i (1008-75) and Fan Chung-yen (989-1052), particularly the last, who also happened to be a fellow townsman from Soochow. Fan's portrait was reportedly found hanging in his working and living quarters; all through Yeh's life he regarded Fan as his model and master.<break>Among Yeh's writings, his Shui-tung jih-chi 水東日記 has always been valued as an important source for Ming history, containing information on institutions in Peking, the northern frontiers, and southern China. The Ssu-k'u Imperial Library includes a 38 chiian edition, and recently a 40 chiian K'ang-hsi edition was photo-lithographically reproduced (1965) in Taiwan. There are also three abridged<break>editions: a one chiian edition of 77 notes appeared as early as the mid-sixteenth century in the Chin-sheng yii-chen chi 金聲 玉振集，reprinted 1959 in Peking; another one chiian edition under the title Shui-tung chi-lileh 記略 printed in 1646 in the Shuo-fu hsii of T'ao T'ing (see T'ao Tsung-i); and a seven chiian edition entitled Shui-tung jih-chi c〃ai-c〃'ao 摘抄 printed in 1617 in the Chi-lu hui-pien by Shen Chieh-fu (q.v.) and later reprinted by the Commercial Press in 1938. An index of the 40 chiian edition is included in the Chukoku zhihitsu zatsucho sakuin中國隨筆雜著索引(Kyoto, I960). His memorials entitled Yeh Wen-chuang kung tsou-shu 葉文莊公奏疏，printed about 1631 in 40 chuan, are subdivided chronologically into four parts: the Hsi-yiian tsou-ts'ao 西垣奏草，9 c^., the Pien-tsou ts'un-kao 邊奏存稿，7 c〃.，the Liang Kuang tsou-ts'ao, and the Shang-ku 上谷 tsou-ts'ao, 8 ch. Twenty-five of his memorials arranged in two chiian may also be found in the Huang Ming ching-shih we九・ pien which has recently been reprinted both on the mainland and in Taiwan. His collected literary works, the Lu-chu~ fang chi 釜竹堂集，consist of two chiian of prose and one chiian of poetry. Two catalogues of Yeh Sheng?s library were reprinted in the Yueh-ya-fang ts'ung-shu 粤雅堂叢書(15th series, 1854), one of books, the Lu-chu-fang shu-mu 書 目，and one of rubbings, the Lu-chu-fang pei 碑-mu.<break>In the preface to the catalogue of his books, Yeh describes his library as one holding over 4,600 titles in approximately 22,700 chiian. The motto he composed to be carved on his book cabinet is perhaps the most quoted by later bibliophiles:	一<break>Read with attention, Lock up securely, Put away with care. And the shelving must be high (and airy).<break>Sons, grandsons, and their sons Must read and learn.<break>YEH Tsung-liu<break>[1582]<break>To lend books to irresponsible parties<break>Is also lack of filial piety.<break>It is fortunate that he had good descendants who contributed either to the building of his library, or to the editing and printing of his works. During his lifetime as he moved from place to place in government service he never had a home for his books,, although he had named his library Lu-chu-faJng?. It was not until the time of his great-great-grandson, , Yeh Kung-hIuaa]n葉恭欠煥(T.伯寅，H.栝蒼 山人，b. 1523, cj 1546),, that a structure was put up in K^Ln〔 -sShan for the books3, and Wang Shih-chen (q. v.) was asked to write an essay to commemorate the occasion.<break>Ano3tther man of the same name, , Ye5h Sheng ( T.昌伯，H .虛室，1435-94)，who was a native of Lan-ch’i 蘭谿，Chekiang, graduated as chin-shih in 1475 and officiated as subprefectural magiistrate of Chii-chou 莒州，Shantung.<break>A renowned censorial official and a contemporary of the first Ye2h Sheng was Lin Ts’u ngg林聰 (T .季聰，H .見庵，Pth.莊敏 1417-October 6，1482, cs	1439),, a native<break>of Ning-te 寧德，Fukien, , who rose to be minister of Justice. In their early years they often collaborated and acted in con-certt. The editors of the Ming-shih cite Yeh and Lin together as exemplary members of the surveillance agenciies of their time."
CHAO Yu喑hsien趙用賢(T.汝師.H.定 宇)，153 5-April 12, 1596, scholar-official, was a native of Ch'ang-shu 常熟 in the prefecture of Soochow. His father, Chao Ch，eng-ch，ien趙承謙(T.德光，H.益齋, 1487-1568, cs 15 3 8), served for a term as assistant administration commissioner of Kwangtung.<break>Following Chao Yung-hsien's own success in the examinations (cs 1571), he received an appointment in the Hanlin Academy. In 1576 he took part in the compilation of the Ta Ming hui-tien (see Shen Shih-hsing), and in the following year officiated in the metropolitan examination. On November 5, 1577, Chang Chu-cheng (q. v.) heard of his own father's death, and, fearing that his absence<break>from the court might jeopardize his paramount position, connived with the eunuch Feng Pao (see Chang Chii-cheng) to set the stage for him to remain in office while he proceeded with an application for leave to observe, the period of mourning. The other ministers took the hint, petitioning the throne as one that he be forbidden to leave. When the young emperor too told Chang he could not be spared, Chao Yung-hsien and his Hanlin colleague, Wu Chung-hsing吳中行(T・子道，H.復 庵，1540-ca. 1598, cs 1571), as well as two officials in the ministry of Justice, remonstrated against this breach of the ethical code, and begged the throne to insist that the son do his duty. All four were beaten severely (December 1, 1577), Chao and Wu' each undergoing sixty blows of the bamboo, and cashiered, while the other two men received eighty apiece and were banished. On December 3, a fifth man, Tsou Yiian-piao (q. v.), who had just graduated as chin-shih and was serving as observer in the ministry of Justice, joined in the protest despite the emperor's solemn warning. He was subjected to the maximum of one hundred blows and banished. After Chao's ordeal, a palm-sized heap of pulverized flesh was collected from his body alone. (He was known to be tall and stout.) His wife treated and preserved it for his offspring as a memento of his exemplary conduct.<break>After the passing of Chang Chii-cheng (1582), Chao was recalled to office along with the others, and began again to work on the Ming hui-tien. He rose steadily in the ranks from deputy secretary of the supervisorate of instruction of the heir apparent to right vice minister of Rites in Nanking (1588). Then came his transfer to Peking as right vice minister of Rites and concurrent reader-in-waiting in the Hanlin (1591), and finally his appointment to left vice minister of Personnel with the same Hanlin affiliation (1593) . This put him in a position to make good selections for bureaucratic posts, at the same time eliminating the<break>[139]<break>CHAO Yung-hsien<break>unfit. In that year Chao was forced to step down from office because of a cabal of his enemies at court; with his departure and the exodus of his sympathizers, according to Ch'ien Ch'ien-i (ECCP), the Ming court was emptied of all worthy men.<break>Chao passed away at home in 1596. There is a story that he became the king of Hades. According to that story, at the time of Chao's death, a chin-shih of his own year, named Ch'en Yung-pin (q. v.), then serving as governor of Yunnan, who knew nothing of Chao's passing, held a session with the planchette (扶乩)for his own ailing wife. The seance resulted in the assertion that she was doomed to die, and Chao, having just taken office as Yen-wang 閻王(king of Hades), was too upright to make any compromises even on behalf of the wife of a friend. In 1626 he received the posthumous name of Wen-i 文毅and was accorded the titles, of junior guardian of the heir apparent, minister of Rites, and chancellor of the Hanlin Academy. His memory was preserved in Ch'ang-shu*s shrine for local men of note.<break>During his six-year period at home (after his dismissal in 1577) Chao observed the poverty of the people living south of the Yangtze estuary, despite the region's resources which constituted a major fraction of the entire country. When he became deputy supervisor of instruction in 1586, he and the recently graduated Yiian Huang (q. v.)> a man from a neighboring district pondered the situation for forty-seven consecutive days. Their deliberations resulted in a fourteen-point proposal for reform in which they emphasized the necessity to improve the revenue collecting system. The court rejected this on the ground that a local man should refrain from touching on matters concerning his native region.<break>Chao Yung-hsien was the author of the Sung-shih-chai chi 松石齋集” 30 ch., essays (five of them being his memorials), and poetry, 6 ch., published in 1618, a book which came to be listed on the 18th-century<break>index expurgatorius. (The original is available on microfilm.) The memorials and poetry were reprinted in 1896; the essays, some of which had been lost, were not reprinted until 1902 after a copy of the complete text was discovered in 1899 in a bookshop by Chao's ninth generation descendant. This 1902 edition includes the original preface by Tsou Yuan-piao (undated, solicited by Chao's sons, Chao Ch'i・ mei琦美[T.元度，H.淸常道人,1563-1624] and Chao Lung-mei 隆美[T.季昌]),another preface by Huang Tao-chou (ECCP) dated 1637, and a portrait of Chao with an inscription by his grandson, Chao Shih-chln 士春 (T.景之)，dated 1657. Chao Yung-hsien also worked on two books in his advanced years, which he left unfinished (?), San Wu ^en-hsien chih 三吳文 獻志 and Kuo-ch'ao tien-chang yin-ko lu 國朝典章因革錄.Chao was a bibliophile and left a handwritten catalogue of his library which was reproduced in 1957 under the title Chao Ting-yu shu-mu 書目. This contains the only known listing of the 244 ts'e 册(volumes) in the miscellaneous collection Pai-fung 稗統 which is no longer extant. Chao Ch'i-mei like his father collected books; his catalogue, known as Mo-wang-kuan 脈望館 shu-mu, being engraved in 1910 by Lo Chen-yii (BDRC) in Yu-chien-chai 玉簡齋 ts'ung-shu, and also reproduced from the original manuscript in Han-fen-lou pi-chi 涵芬樓祕笈. Besides this he collected and collated, mainly in manuscript, 242 Yuan and Ming dramas, Ku-chin tsa-chu 古今雜劇，published in facsimile in Ku-pen hsi-ch'u ts'ung-k'an 古本戲曲叢刊(Peking, 1958). The original Ming copy is now in the Peking Library.<break>Chao Lung-mei's sons, Chao Shih-ch'un and Chao Shih-chin 士金帛(T・前之)，both achieved the chin-shih in 1637. Chao Shih-chin ended his career as vice director of a bureau in the ministry of Works. Chao Shih-ch'un, who placed third on the chin-shih list, was appointed a Hanlin compiler. When Yang Sswch'ang (g. v.), then minister, also refrained from taking leave to<break>CHEN・k'o<break>[140]<break>mourn his father's passing, and Huang Tao-chou was cast into prison for making a protest to the throne, Chao Shih-ch'un remonstrated as his grandfather had done and was demoted and sent to Kwangtung as a recorder in the provincial administration office. Eventually restored to his original post, he ended his career as a secretary of the supervisorate of instruction, and died at the age of seventy-nine.
CWIEN Tai錢岱(T.汝瞻，H.秀峯)， 1541-June 30, 1622, official, was a native of Ch'ang-shu常熟，Nan-Chihli. The Ch'ien family considered itself descended from Ch'ien Liu (851-932), founder of Wii-Yueh (895-978), one of the ten states during the period of the Five Dynasties. Ch'ien Tai's grandfather, owner of much land and apparently the target of jealous schemers, was accused of some wrongdoing, found guilty, and died in jail. The family thus lost a large part of its properties. Then, because a granduncle, Ch'ien Shu 庶(H.三溪)，became a chin-shih in 1550, the family began to recover some of its losses, but about a year later, when Ch'ien Shu suddenly died, their fortunes again suffered. All through these ups and downs Ch'ien Tai's father, Ch'ien Heng 亨(T.仲嘉, H・龍橋,ca. 1520-87), managed to surmount the crises. He even won the praise of his<break>fellow citizens after serving a year as tax collector for the entire district.<break>It is said that just before Ch'ien Tai was born, his father had a dream about the arrival of a monk from the sacred mountain in Shantung, T'ai-shan 泰山，and so named him Tai, the alternative name of that eminence. When he passed the chin-shih examination in 1571, his chief examiner was Chang Chii-cheng (q.y.), whose sobriquet, T'ai・yiieh, happened to be another title for the same sacred mounain. The coincidence could not have escaped the notice of Ch'ien Tai. In any case, his official career was seriously affected by that of his mentor. After a full term of three years (1572-75) in Canton as pre-f ectural judge, a very lucrative post, Ch'ien Tai served seven years as a censor. In the latter capacity his office was chiefly in Peking, but twice he was sent out as regional inspector, in 1580 to Shantung and in 1582 to Hukuang. During these ten years when Ch'ien was in official employ, Chang Chii-cheng, now senior grand secretary, essentially wielded the authority of a regent and maintained a strict policy of law and order, including regular checks on the qualifications and behavior of members of the bureaucracy. The official evidence on Ch'ien indicates that he observed the regulations faithfully; he seems to have limited his activity in the capital to remonstrating with fellow officials. When in Shantung, he managed to capture by a ruse a murderer who was hiding in the palace of a prince and had the man, a relative of the prince, brought to book. On another occasion (July, 1580) his report on several officials, who had made illegal demands on the postal service, eventuated in the dismissal of a subprefect and the demotion of two prefects and two provincial commissioners. Back in Peking in 1581, Ch'ien took part in conducting the triennial review of the records of high officials which resulted in the forced resignation of a minister (T'ao Ch5eng-hsiieh陶承學，T.子述，H.泗橋, 1518-98, cs 1547), two vice ministers (in-<break>CH'IEN Tai<break>[240]<break>eluding Wang Tsung-mu, q.v.), and two governors (one being Tseng T'ung-heng 曾同亭，T.子野，H.見臺，1533-1607, cs 1559). While in Hukuang in 1582, Ch'ien's reports forced the retirement of several assistant commissioners. These actions, though not unusual for a regional inspector, must have gained him a considerable number of enemies who considered him one of Chang's henchmen. He was certainly regarded with fear and presumably treated with flattery. He probably had some forebodings, however, when, officiating in Hukuang, he learned of the death of Chang in July, 1582. Two months later he took part in supervising the provincial examination at Wuchang. Immediately after the conclusion of the examination, he received notice of the death of his mother and went home for the mourning period, perhaps with a sense of relief.<break>After Chang Chii-cheng was posthumously condemned early in 1581, his former associates were closely investigated for possible reproval. Apparently nothing incriminating Ch'ien came to light. In April, 1584, however, shortly before Ch'ien was to resume his office, two unsubstantiated accusations were lodged against him by a memorialist. Both charges concerned his participation in the Hukuang provincial examination of 1582. The first, that Ch'ien had orally suggested to Chang Chii-cheng that he send his youngest son to Wuchang for the chu~jen test (only Chang's untimely death preventing the son from following that course), was obviously a figment of the imagination. The second, that Ch'ien made it possible for Wang Chih-heng 王之 衡，the son of a vice minister of Personnel, to pass the examination, seems equally farfetched, for Ch'ien was only a supervisor of the examination and had nothing to do with grading of the candidates. The charge could have been easily proved false by a review of Wang Chih-heng's papers or a test of his ability. The emperor, however, arbitrarily assumed Ch'ien to be guilty, unjustly deemed the review as unnecessary, and peremptorily<break>ordered the demotion of Ch'ien by three grades.<break>Ch'ien had indeed been on friendly terms with Chang, who apparently saw in Ch'ien a keen, strong-minded official, able and willing to support his efforts to revitalize the ailing central power and curb the ever-growing privileges of the imperial family and the official class. The allegation, however, that Ch'ien had curried the grand secretary's favor is not borne out by a scrutiny of the data at hand. In the first place, no reasonable evidence was ever produced against him. Second, while Chang was in power, Ch'ien remained a censor for seven years without promotion. Third, a fellow townsman, Chao Yung-hsien (‘』・)，who had been flogged at court for antagonizing Chang, remained a close friend of Ch'ien and even wrote the epitaph of his father in 1587. Ch'ien's conduct in government must have been above reproach or Chao would conceivably have deleted these writings from his collected works. Ch*ien had a younger relative, Ch'ien Ch'ien-i (ECCP), who wrote his epitaph, describing him as unusual in bearing and stature, eloquent, possessed of a resonant voice, and masterly as a writer. A rich man, he was generous towards the poor and destitute among his clansmen, but strangely rather imperious towards members of the gentry. Possibly this was because the latter had been the cause of his grandfather's death and his father's worries. In any case, during forty years of retirement Ch'ien Tai applied his talents to expanding the family holdings in farmland and other properties. He built a mansion in the western section of Ch*ang-shu city, and about 1585 constructed an enormous villa which he called the Hsiao-wang-ch*uan 小帽川 after the famous mountain retreat of the T'ang poet, Wang Wei (701-61), whom he admired. According to the account of T'u Lung (q.v.) about the villa, all the buildings, brooks, and hillocks sported designations after those in its eighth-century prototype. It is said that Ch'ien kept a troup<break>[241]<break>CH，IEN Te-hung<break>of actresses trained to perform such classical song-dramas as the Hsi-hsiang chi (see Chin Jen-jui, ECCP) and P'i-pa chi (see Kao Ming) as well as those by contemporary writers such as T'ang Hsien-tsu (ECCP). He enjoyed a life of music and wine, playing chess and entertaining friends. About 1620, when the magistrate suggested that he be named as the honored elder of the district, a jealous fellow townsman, Ku Ta-shao 顧大韶(T. 仲恭，younger brother of Ku Ta-chang (ECCP, p. 893), wrote a long denunciation publicly declaring him wicked and corrupt, and accusing him of embezzlement. It appears that Ku's father had on one occasion suffered indignities at Ch'ien's hands and so this seems to have been an act of revenge. It failed to deter the authorities from according Ch'ien the honors, however. After Ch'ien died, an anonymous acquaintance wrote a semi-fictitious account of his life entitled Pi-meng 筆夢 (a dream-like life). It has sometimes been erroneously listed in bibliographies as Pi-meng hsii 敍，mistaking a prefatory caption for the title of the whole work. The author may well have been envious of Ch'ien's good fortune and attributed it to destiny.<break>Ch'ien Tai is said to have compiled a work on the two Chin dynasties (265-419), entitled Liang-Chin ho-tsuan 兩晉合 纂，but it is apparently no longer extant. He had five sons, two of whom became chin-shih and two chii-jen; of his fourteen grandsons and great-grandsons another eight were eventually registered as officials. His eldest son, Ch'ien Shih-chiin 時 俊(T・用章，H.仍峯，cj 1600, cs 1604), first served as secretary in the ministry of Works, later rising to surveillance vice commissioner in Hukuang.
CHANG Hung張洪(T .宗海，H .止菴)， February 14, 1364-December 14, 1447, official and author, who served as envoy to Japan and Burma, was a native of Ch’ang-shu 常熟 in the prefecture of Soochow. Chang Hung was born into the family of a tradesman by the name of Hou 侯. l4is mother having died only five days after his birth and his father having been away on business in Peking, he was adopted by a neighbor, a certain Chang Chiung 洞；hence he bore the surname Chang. A precocious child, Chang entered the district school at the age of ten but abandoned schooling five years later to go into business in order to support his foster parents. In 1385 Chang Hung, in mourning for his father, received a visitor, a convicted offender; this being a violation of the law, he was banished to Yunnan. Before long, a local military commander by the name of Ch’ii 瞿，im-pressed by his learning, employed him as the family tutor. Through the commander’s recommendation, Chang Hung gained the recognition of Mu Ch’un，second prince of Ch^en-ning {see Mu Ying), then overlord of Yunnan.<break>In October, 1397，an uprising occurred in Lu-ch’uan 麓川 in what is now the upper Shweli valley of northern Burma. A band of tribesmen from Mu-pang 木邦 (Mongkawng), led by Tao-kan-meng 刀 年孟，rebelled, and defeated the ruling chieftain Ssu-lun-fa (see Ssu-jen-fa), who subsequently fled to Kunming. When the news reached Yunnan, Chang is said to have urged the authorities to take im-<break>mediate action. Chang reportedly pointed out to Mu Ch’un that, since Ssu-lun-fa had been causing trouble, they should take advantage of this to intervene and break up his domain into separate protectorates to undermine his authority. In June of the following year, after failing to force Tao-kan-meng to surrender, the court charged Mu Ch’un with the suppression of the rebels. Mu died unexpectedly during the expedition, but his deputy carried on, and before long succeeded in crushing the rebellion and capturing the ringleader. Ssu-lun-fa then returned to Lu-ch’uan under Chinese protection, having lost control of both Mu-pang and Meng-yang 承養， an adjacent tribal settlement, which became protectorates directly under the Chinese, as Chang Hung had proposed. In 1399, through the recommendation of the local authorities, Chang Hung obtained an appointment as instructor in the Classics in the princely fief of Ching-chiang 靖江，but failed to assume the charge because of illness.<break>Following the enthronement of Chu Ti (分.v.)，Chang Hung was appointed a messenger and received a summons (August, 1403) to join a mission to Japan headed by a transmission commissioner, Chao Chii-jen 趙 居任 (d. March, 1419)， and by the monk Tao_ch’eng 道 成 (T .驚峯 H .雪軒，1352-1432)，a deputy patriarch in the central Buddhist registry. The emperor apparently had two purposes in mind in dispatching the embassy: to make the Japanese cease their piratical depredations on the China coast, and to bring them back to the regular tributary system. The departure of the embassy, however, was delayed until December in order to escort the return of a Japanese mission which had come to congratulate Chu Ti on his accession to the throne and to submit tribute gifts. The Chinese envoys, being greeted in person upon arrival by the Ashikaga shogun, Yoshimitsu (1358-1408) entered Kyoto in June, 1404. They presented to Yoshimitsu the imperial rescript and a seal designating him as “king of<break>CHANG Hung<break>[86 ]<break>Japan"; and concluded a commercial agreement with the shogun. This set forth the provisions of the “tally system" (k'an-ho 勘合 or kango), which enabled the Japanese to send trading missions to China in the form of tribute-bearing embassies once in every ten years, with each mission limited to two ships and two hundred persons. This accomplished, they departed a month later and arrived home late that year. Following this, Chang Hung received an assignment to proceed to Turf an to inspect the trade in Chinese tea for central Asian horses. Early in 1406 the court sent him to Liaotung to ofFer sacrifice to the deceased tribesmen who had lately submitted to the Chinese. A month after Chang's return (August 26), he was charged with a mission to Mien-tien 緬甸(Ava-Burma) to persuade its chieftain Na-lo-fa 那羅塔 to return the territority of Meng-yang and the hostages whom he had seized during a raid; Na-lo-fa had also killed the pacification commissioner Tao-mu-tan 刀木旦 and his son. Before his departure, Chang took time to compile an historical account of the envoys sent to foreign lands from antiquity down to his own time, taking note of their character, intelligence, courage, speech, diplomatic skills, and other accomplishments. This collection, known as Shih-kuei 使規(Instructions for envoys), grouped under sixteen categories, became a useful guidebook for envoys on missions to countries abroad in later times.<break>According to his reminiscences, Chang Hung arrived in the capital of Mien-tien in October with a party of seventy persons. Before this he had 'learned that many previous envoys, frightened by the tropical climate and the death rate among visitors, easily succumbed to the demands of the local ruler in return for a quick, safe passage home. He also heard that the native chieftain put poison in the meat served to guests and used women to distract the envoys from performing their duties. Accordingly he proceeded with great caution. Upon his arrival, he insisted<break>that the native chieftain honor him with Chinese rites and ceremonies, that the natives stay away from their procession as it passed through, and that the chieftain greet him in the manner of a subordinate. Na-lo-ta acceded to all his demands. During the meeting Chang Hung upbraided Na-lo-Va for his invasion of Meng-yang and commanded him to return the land to its lawful owner, or he would be liable to punishment. Na-lo-fa, however, demurred. Chang is said to have composed six consecutive letters to convince him to come to an agreement. Na-lo-fa finally gave in; whereupon Chang Hung took his departure. During his stay in Mien-tien, Chang admonished his men to abstain from rare meat, stay away from women^ and keep their living quarters clean. Thus, when they returned to Yunnan, only one member of his mission took ill. Even the Burmese considered this to be a miracle. Shortly after his return, Chang Hung composed an account of his mission entitled Shih Mien lu 使緬錄，which, together with the six letters he sent to the Burmese chief, were included as appendices to his previous work, Shih-kuei. In May of the following year, making good his promise, Na-lo-fa dispatched a special embassy to Peking to convey his apologies and submit tribute gifts. The emperor then decreed that Mien-tien be allowed to send envoys to China to pay tribute once every three years.<break>Not long afterwards, Chang Hung was recommended to the Wen-yuan 文淵 Hall to take part in editing the imperially sponsored compilation later known as Yung-lo ta-tien (see Yao Kuang-hsiao). This accomplished, he assumed temporary charge of a relief agency in Nanking (1412), and then served as vice director of' the messenger office to the end of the reign of Chu Ti. In April, 1424, he received an appointment to be a compiler of the Hanlin Academy, where he officiated for the next five years and participated in the compilation of the veritable records of both Chu Ti and Chu Kao-chih (q.v.), completed in February, 1430. Three years<break>[87 ]<break>CHANG Hung<break>later he obtained permission to retire. As a tribute to his service, Cheng K'o-hsiu 鄭 克修，a skillful painter from Ch'ing-chiang 淸江， Kiangsi, presented him a long scroll called “Tai-lou tl” 待漏圖, signifying his service at court. Chang then composed an account of his career in two thousand words, and copied eight of the colophons to his commentaries on the Classical canon to serve as an appendix, which also contained a postscript by his fellow townsman Wu No (q.v.)・ The scroll does not seem to have survived, but the autobiographical account is preserved in Chang's collected works. This essay, together with the tomb-inscription composed by another fellow townsman Ch'ii Ju-chi (see Kao P^n-lung) in 1598, provides the basic sources for Chang Hung?s biography. During his retirement Chang Hung devoted himself to scholarly activities. He compiled a gazetteer of his native place called CWin-ch'uan hsin-chih 琴川新志 (Ch'in・ch'uan being the ancient name of Ch'ang-shu), which is no longer extant. The local officials on various occasions invited him to compose commemorative essays for the locality, for which they gave him handsome honoraria—one source says they paid him up to 500 strings of cash per essay. He died late in 1447, at the advanced age of eighty-three. In 1486, together with Wu No, his tablet was housed in the shrine honoring Confucius* disciple Yen-tzu-yu 言子游 in Ch'ang-shu. Three years later (1489), the local magitrate erected a separate shrine in his memory.<break>A learned scholar and prolific writer, Chang Hung was the author of numerous works on subjects ranging from commentaries on the major Classics to reminiscences of his visits to foreign lands. Few of his works in the first category, with the exception of a treatise on the Four Books, entitled Ssu-shu c万i"-i 四書解義，seem to have survived. A 2 chiian fragment of this work (out of an original 20 c〃.)，containing the section on Mencius, is preserved in the former National Library of Peiping and is available on microfilm (no. 230).<break>Many of his writings on other countries are extant. The most imprtant of these is Shih Mien /〃，first quoted in the Huang Ming yung-hua lei-pien hsu-pien 皇明泳花 類編續編by Teng Chiu鄧球(cs 1535) and later in several gazetteers of Yunnan. This work also exists in manuscript either as an appendix to the Shih-kuei or as an independent essay in his collected works. It was later included in the Ti-hsiang-chai 棣香齋 ts'ung-shu (subtitle: Lou-tung tsa-chu 婁東雜著)，edited by Shao T，ing・lieh 邵廷 烈 in 1833. The French scholar Edouard Huber published a translation in 1904 on the basis of this edition, but he mistakenly identified the author with a contemporary of the same name Chang Hung (T.敬軒. cs 1445), a censor who perished in the battle of T'u-mu in 1449. Our Chang Hung was, moreover, the author of Nan-i c恥南 夷記，1 ch., a narrative about the aboriginal tribesmen on the China-Burma border based on personal observation. A manuscript copy of this work, listed as rare, is included in a collection known as Ming-jen chi shih cA'i c力〃〃g明人記事七種 preserved in the National Central Library, Taipei.<break>Chang Hung's collected literary works appear in two different versions, both of which survive in manuscript of the Ch*ing period. The first, entitled Kuei-fien kao 歸田稿，3 c〃.，with 1 ch. appendix, is available in the Toyo Bunko, Tokyo. The other, known as Chang hsiu chuan i-chi 修 撰遺集，4 ch. and 8 ch. respectively, with the same appendix, is preserved in the Peking Library. The latter is an enlarged version compiled and edited by scholars of a much later date. This collection contains a number of essays on the granaries, relief centers, and similar communal facilities in Ch5ang-shu; they are important additions to the source materials on the financial administration of this locality under the governorship of Chou Ch'en 周忱 (T・恂如，H.雙團 13 81-1453, cs 1404, Pth.文襄)and K'uang Chung (q.n).
CHAO Yu喑hsien趙用賢(T.汝師.H.定 宇)，153 5-April 12, 1596, scholar-official, was a native of Ch'ang-shu 常熟 in the prefecture of Soochow. His father, Chao Ch，eng-ch，ien趙承謙(T.德光，H.益齋, 1487-1568, cs 15 3 8), served for a term as assistant administration commissioner of Kwangtung.<break>Following Chao Yung-hsien's own success in the examinations (cs 1571), he received an appointment in the Hanlin Academy. In 1576 he took part in the compilation of the Ta Ming hui-tien (see Shen Shih-hsing), and in the following year officiated in the metropolitan examination. On November 5, 1577, Chang Chu-cheng (q. v.) heard of his own father's death, and, fearing that his absence<break>from the court might jeopardize his paramount position, connived with the eunuch Feng Pao (see Chang Chii-cheng) to set the stage for him to remain in office while he proceeded with an application for leave to observe, the period of mourning. The other ministers took the hint, petitioning the throne as one that he be forbidden to leave. When the young emperor too told Chang he could not be spared, Chao Yung-hsien and his Hanlin colleague, Wu Chung-hsing吳中行(T・子道，H.復 庵，1540-ca. 1598, cs 1571), as well as two officials in the ministry of Justice, remonstrated against this breach of the ethical code, and begged the throne to insist that the son do his duty. All four were beaten severely (December 1, 1577), Chao and Wu' each undergoing sixty blows of the bamboo, and cashiered, while the other two men received eighty apiece and were banished. On December 3, a fifth man, Tsou Yiian-piao (q. v.), who had just graduated as chin-shih and was serving as observer in the ministry of Justice, joined in the protest despite the emperor's solemn warning. He was subjected to the maximum of one hundred blows and banished. After Chao's ordeal, a palm-sized heap of pulverized flesh was collected from his body alone. (He was known to be tall and stout.) His wife treated and preserved it for his offspring as a memento of his exemplary conduct.<break>After the passing of Chang Chii-cheng (1582), Chao was recalled to office along with the others, and began again to work on the Ming hui-tien. He rose steadily in the ranks from deputy secretary of the supervisorate of instruction of the heir apparent to right vice minister of Rites in Nanking (1588). Then came his transfer to Peking as right vice minister of Rites and concurrent reader-in-waiting in the Hanlin (1591), and finally his appointment to left vice minister of Personnel with the same Hanlin affiliation (1593) . This put him in a position to make good selections for bureaucratic posts, at the same time eliminating the<break>[139]<break>CHAO Yung-hsien<break>unfit. In that year Chao was forced to step down from office because of a cabal of his enemies at court; with his departure and the exodus of his sympathizers, according to Ch'ien Ch'ien-i (ECCP), the Ming court was emptied of all worthy men.<break>Chao passed away at home in 1596. There is a story that he became the king of Hades. According to that story, at the time of Chao's death, a chin-shih of his own year, named Ch'en Yung-pin (q. v.), then serving as governor of Yunnan, who knew nothing of Chao's passing, held a session with the planchette (扶乩)for his own ailing wife. The seance resulted in the assertion that she was doomed to die, and Chao, having just taken office as Yen-wang 閻王(king of Hades), was too upright to make any compromises even on behalf of the wife of a friend. In 1626 he received the posthumous name of Wen-i 文毅and was accorded the titles, of junior guardian of the heir apparent, minister of Rites, and chancellor of the Hanlin Academy. His memory was preserved in Ch'ang-shu*s shrine for local men of note.<break>During his six-year period at home (after his dismissal in 1577) Chao observed the poverty of the people living south of the Yangtze estuary, despite the region's resources which constituted a major fraction of the entire country. When he became deputy supervisor of instruction in 1586, he and the recently graduated Yiian Huang (q. v.)> a man from a neighboring district pondered the situation for forty-seven consecutive days. Their deliberations resulted in a fourteen-point proposal for reform in which they emphasized the necessity to improve the revenue collecting system. The court rejected this on the ground that a local man should refrain from touching on matters concerning his native region.<break>Chao Yung-hsien was the author of the Sung-shih-chai chi 松石齋集” 30 ch., essays (five of them being his memorials), and poetry, 6 ch., published in 1618, a book which came to be listed on the 18th-century<break>index expurgatorius. (The original is available on microfilm.) The memorials and poetry were reprinted in 1896; the essays, some of which had been lost, were not reprinted until 1902 after a copy of the complete text was discovered in 1899 in a bookshop by Chao's ninth generation descendant. This 1902 edition includes the original preface by Tsou Yuan-piao (undated, solicited by Chao's sons, Chao Ch'i・ mei琦美[T.元度，H.淸常道人,1563-1624] and Chao Lung-mei 隆美[T.季昌]),another preface by Huang Tao-chou (ECCP) dated 1637, and a portrait of Chao with an inscription by his grandson, Chao Shih-chln 士春 (T.景之)，dated 1657. Chao Yung-hsien also worked on two books in his advanced years, which he left unfinished (?), San Wu ^en-hsien chih 三吳文 獻志 and Kuo-ch'ao tien-chang yin-ko lu 國朝典章因革錄.Chao was a bibliophile and left a handwritten catalogue of his library which was reproduced in 1957 under the title Chao Ting-yu shu-mu 書目. This contains the only known listing of the 244 ts'e 册(volumes) in the miscellaneous collection Pai-fung 稗統 which is no longer extant. Chao Ch'i-mei like his father collected books; his catalogue, known as Mo-wang-kuan 脈望館 shu-mu, being engraved in 1910 by Lo Chen-yii (BDRC) in Yu-chien-chai 玉簡齋 ts'ung-shu, and also reproduced from the original manuscript in Han-fen-lou pi-chi 涵芬樓祕笈. Besides this he collected and collated, mainly in manuscript, 242 Yuan and Ming dramas, Ku-chin tsa-chu 古今雜劇，published in facsimile in Ku-pen hsi-ch'u ts'ung-k'an 古本戲曲叢刊(Peking, 1958). The original Ming copy is now in the Peking Library.<break>Chao Lung-mei's sons, Chao Shih-ch'un and Chao Shih-chin 士金帛(T・前之)，both achieved the chin-shih in 1637. Chao Shih-chin ended his career as vice director of a bureau in the ministry of Works. Chao Shih-ch'un, who placed third on the chin-shih list, was appointed a Hanlin compiler. When Yang Sswch'ang (g. v.), then minister, also refrained from taking leave to<break>CHEN・k'o<break>[140]<break>mourn his father's passing, and Huang Tao-chou was cast into prison for making a protest to the throne, Chao Shih-ch'un remonstrated as his grandfather had done and was demoted and sent to Kwangtung as a recorder in the provincial administration office. Eventually restored to his original post, he ended his career as a secretary of the supervisorate of instruction, and died at the age of seventy-nine.
CWIEN Tai錢岱(T.汝瞻，H.秀峯)， 1541-June 30, 1622, official, was a native of Ch'ang-shu常熟，Nan-Chihli. The Ch'ien family considered itself descended from Ch'ien Liu (851-932), founder of Wii-Yueh (895-978), one of the ten states during the period of the Five Dynasties. Ch'ien Tai's grandfather, owner of much land and apparently the target of jealous schemers, was accused of some wrongdoing, found guilty, and died in jail. The family thus lost a large part of its properties. Then, because a granduncle, Ch'ien Shu 庶(H.三溪)，became a chin-shih in 1550, the family began to recover some of its losses, but about a year later, when Ch'ien Shu suddenly died, their fortunes again suffered. All through these ups and downs Ch'ien Tai's father, Ch'ien Heng 亨(T.仲嘉, H・龍橋,ca. 1520-87), managed to surmount the crises. He even won the praise of his<break>fellow citizens after serving a year as tax collector for the entire district.<break>It is said that just before Ch'ien Tai was born, his father had a dream about the arrival of a monk from the sacred mountain in Shantung, T'ai-shan 泰山，and so named him Tai, the alternative name of that eminence. When he passed the chin-shih examination in 1571, his chief examiner was Chang Chii-cheng (q.y.), whose sobriquet, T'ai・yiieh, happened to be another title for the same sacred mounain. The coincidence could not have escaped the notice of Ch'ien Tai. In any case, his official career was seriously affected by that of his mentor. After a full term of three years (1572-75) in Canton as pre-f ectural judge, a very lucrative post, Ch'ien Tai served seven years as a censor. In the latter capacity his office was chiefly in Peking, but twice he was sent out as regional inspector, in 1580 to Shantung and in 1582 to Hukuang. During these ten years when Ch'ien was in official employ, Chang Chii-cheng, now senior grand secretary, essentially wielded the authority of a regent and maintained a strict policy of law and order, including regular checks on the qualifications and behavior of members of the bureaucracy. The official evidence on Ch'ien indicates that he observed the regulations faithfully; he seems to have limited his activity in the capital to remonstrating with fellow officials. When in Shantung, he managed to capture by a ruse a murderer who was hiding in the palace of a prince and had the man, a relative of the prince, brought to book. On another occasion (July, 1580) his report on several officials, who had made illegal demands on the postal service, eventuated in the dismissal of a subprefect and the demotion of two prefects and two provincial commissioners. Back in Peking in 1581, Ch'ien took part in conducting the triennial review of the records of high officials which resulted in the forced resignation of a minister (T'ao Ch5eng-hsiieh陶承學，T.子述，H.泗橋, 1518-98, cs 1547), two vice ministers (in-<break>CH'IEN Tai<break>[240]<break>eluding Wang Tsung-mu, q.v.), and two governors (one being Tseng T'ung-heng 曾同亭，T.子野，H.見臺，1533-1607, cs 1559). While in Hukuang in 1582, Ch'ien's reports forced the retirement of several assistant commissioners. These actions, though not unusual for a regional inspector, must have gained him a considerable number of enemies who considered him one of Chang's henchmen. He was certainly regarded with fear and presumably treated with flattery. He probably had some forebodings, however, when, officiating in Hukuang, he learned of the death of Chang in July, 1582. Two months later he took part in supervising the provincial examination at Wuchang. Immediately after the conclusion of the examination, he received notice of the death of his mother and went home for the mourning period, perhaps with a sense of relief.<break>After Chang Chii-cheng was posthumously condemned early in 1581, his former associates were closely investigated for possible reproval. Apparently nothing incriminating Ch'ien came to light. In April, 1584, however, shortly before Ch'ien was to resume his office, two unsubstantiated accusations were lodged against him by a memorialist. Both charges concerned his participation in the Hukuang provincial examination of 1582. The first, that Ch'ien had orally suggested to Chang Chii-cheng that he send his youngest son to Wuchang for the chu~jen test (only Chang's untimely death preventing the son from following that course), was obviously a figment of the imagination. The second, that Ch'ien made it possible for Wang Chih-heng 王之 衡，the son of a vice minister of Personnel, to pass the examination, seems equally farfetched, for Ch'ien was only a supervisor of the examination and had nothing to do with grading of the candidates. The charge could have been easily proved false by a review of Wang Chih-heng's papers or a test of his ability. The emperor, however, arbitrarily assumed Ch'ien to be guilty, unjustly deemed the review as unnecessary, and peremptorily<break>ordered the demotion of Ch'ien by three grades.<break>Ch'ien had indeed been on friendly terms with Chang, who apparently saw in Ch'ien a keen, strong-minded official, able and willing to support his efforts to revitalize the ailing central power and curb the ever-growing privileges of the imperial family and the official class. The allegation, however, that Ch'ien had curried the grand secretary's favor is not borne out by a scrutiny of the data at hand. In the first place, no reasonable evidence was ever produced against him. Second, while Chang was in power, Ch'ien remained a censor for seven years without promotion. Third, a fellow townsman, Chao Yung-hsien (‘』・)，who had been flogged at court for antagonizing Chang, remained a close friend of Ch'ien and even wrote the epitaph of his father in 1587. Ch'ien's conduct in government must have been above reproach or Chao would conceivably have deleted these writings from his collected works. Ch*ien had a younger relative, Ch'ien Ch'ien-i (ECCP), who wrote his epitaph, describing him as unusual in bearing and stature, eloquent, possessed of a resonant voice, and masterly as a writer. A rich man, he was generous towards the poor and destitute among his clansmen, but strangely rather imperious towards members of the gentry. Possibly this was because the latter had been the cause of his grandfather's death and his father's worries. In any case, during forty years of retirement Ch'ien Tai applied his talents to expanding the family holdings in farmland and other properties. He built a mansion in the western section of Ch*ang-shu city, and about 1585 constructed an enormous villa which he called the Hsiao-wang-ch*uan 小帽川 after the famous mountain retreat of the T'ang poet, Wang Wei (701-61), whom he admired. According to the account of T'u Lung (q.v.) about the villa, all the buildings, brooks, and hillocks sported designations after those in its eighth-century prototype. It is said that Ch'ien kept a troup<break>[241]<break>CH，IEN Te-hung<break>of actresses trained to perform such classical song-dramas as the Hsi-hsiang chi (see Chin Jen-jui, ECCP) and P'i-pa chi (see Kao Ming) as well as those by contemporary writers such as T'ang Hsien-tsu (ECCP). He enjoyed a life of music and wine, playing chess and entertaining friends. About 1620, when the magistrate suggested that he be named as the honored elder of the district, a jealous fellow townsman, Ku Ta-shao 顧大韶(T. 仲恭，younger brother of Ku Ta-chang (ECCP, p. 893), wrote a long denunciation publicly declaring him wicked and corrupt, and accusing him of embezzlement. It appears that Ku's father had on one occasion suffered indignities at Ch'ien's hands and so this seems to have been an act of revenge. It failed to deter the authorities from according Ch'ien the honors, however. After Ch'ien died, an anonymous acquaintance wrote a semi-fictitious account of his life entitled Pi-meng 筆夢 (a dream-like life). It has sometimes been erroneously listed in bibliographies as Pi-meng hsii 敍，mistaking a prefatory caption for the title of the whole work. The author may well have been envious of Ch'ien's good fortune and attributed it to destiny.<break>Ch'ien Tai is said to have compiled a work on the two Chin dynasties (265-419), entitled Liang-Chin ho-tsuan 兩晉合 纂，but it is apparently no longer extant. He had five sons, two of whom became chin-shih and two chii-jen; of his fourteen grandsons and great-grandsons another eight were eventually registered as officials. His eldest son, Ch'ien Shih-chiin 時 俊(T・用章，H.仍峯，cj 1600, cs 1604), first served as secretary in the ministry of Works, later rising to surveillance vice commissioner in Hukuang.
HStj Fu-tso 徐復祚(original ming 篤儒, T-陽初，H.暮竹，陽(賜)初子，三家村老, 慳吝道人，etc.), 1560-after 1630, dramatist and man of letters, was born into a family which had lived for generations in Ch'ang-shu 常熟，Soochow prefecture. His grandfather, Hsu Shih 徐杖(T.世寅, H・鳳竹,1519-81), became a chin-shih in 1547, served as governor of Kiangsi (1571 -72) and Chekiang (1576-78), was named minister of Works at Nanking (1579), and then retired, apparently with sufficient wealth to enable his son and grandsons to live in luxury for several decades.<break>In his younger days Hsii Fu-tso was twice involved in lawsuits, once in 1585, when he was accused of offering a bribe while participating in the metropolitan examinations. Another lawsuit, the details of which are obscure, is one which he noted with feeling as having lasted ten years or so. These experiences were probably sufficient to cause him to abandon the pursuit of a career through the examinations. With the chance to follow a life of leisitre at home, he devoted himself to<break>[581]<break>HSU Fu-tso<break>drama, paying special attention to music and the performing arts.<break>In 1610 he completed his first dramatic work, Hung-li chi 紅梨記，which received praise and became widely known. It seems that, because of some criticism, perhaps the result of jealousy, he gave up writing plays for a time. Later he produced five more dramas： I-^en-cWien 一文 錢,Vou-so chi 投梭記(so 梭 in some places is mistaken for shu 梳)，Hsiao-kuang chi {chien}宵光記(劍)，Vi-chUao chi 題橋記, and Wu-fung-yii 梧桐雨.The last two are no longer extant. The first was reproduced in the Sheng Ming tsa-chu 盛明雜劇 in 1918 and again in 1925. The second and third may be found in the recently printed Ku-chin hsi-cKu ts'ung-k'an 古今戲曲叢刊, series I, 1954, and series III, 1957.<break>A short work on drama under the title Ming Ho Yuan-lang, Hsii Yang-ch'u cWu-lun明何元朗徐陽初曲論appears, together with a number of notes extracted from the Ssu yu-chai ts'ung-shuo on the same subject by Ho Liang-chiin (q.v.) in the second series of the Ku-hsueh hui-k'an 古學彙刊(Shanghai, 1912). The same material, with seven more notes in a different arrangement with Ho's work omitted, was later included in the Hsin chu-yuan 新曲苑 (Shanghai, 1940) under the title San-chia-ts'un wei-fan 三家村委談.Hsii Fu-tso was critical of his contemporary dramatists, mostly for their fondness for displaying their literary knowledge, and for their ignorance of instrumental music and voice accompaniment. As for Hsii himself, he was not only a master of poetic expression, but was also proficient in music and deeply aware of the difficulties involved in vocal performance. It is reported that he spent days and nights in directing his own plays. It was for this ability that Ch'ien Ch^en-i (ECCP) compared him with Kao Ming (q・L)； the celebrated author of the Pipa chi.<break>More appreciated by students of history, however, are his miscellaneous notes, the Hua-tang-ko ts^ung-fan 花當閣叢談, also known as the Ts'un-lao wei-fan "老<break>委談，8 c%., printed in the 15th series of the Chieh-yiieh shan-fang hui-ch'ao early in the 19th century (see Chang Hai-p'eng, ECCP), and later reproduced in 1920. The notes deal with Ming institutions, personalities, superstitions, and social mores, dialects, and local festivals of the Soochow area, etc. Chiian 8 is concerned solely with accounts of the wo・k'ou invasions written by people who had suffered from them. He had a keen sense of history and questioned why the written records often differed from what he heard from certain eye witnesses.<break>Credited to him also is the Chia-er ss〃-/ 家兒私語，Preserved for three centuries in manuscript and first printed in 1936 in the Ping-tzu ts^ung-pien 丙子叢編.In spite of some questionable dates assigned to his brothers, the work seems to be authentic. It is short, consisting of seven essays and notes relating a shocking story about the Hsii family. It happened that Hsii had an elder brother, Hsii Ch'ang-tso 昌祚(T. 伯昌，1558-1609), and a younger brother, Hsii Ting-tso 鼎祚(T.聞叔，1562-ca. 1615). In 1578, as a reward to their grandfather (Hsii Shih), Hsii Ch'ang-tso was admitted into the bureaucracy as a student of the National University. He later rose to be the director of a bureau in the ministry of Justice (co. 1604-05). According to Hsii Fu-tso's account, both Hsii Ch'ang-tso and his wife were niggardly and greedy. In 1591 they managed an unscrupulous ruse in which the victim was an aunt, a wealthy divorcee then living with the family. Using a foppish young artist as bait, they convinced her that the man wanted her to elope with him and, after swindling her of her wealth, they sent her to the rendezvous on a rainy night and had her drowned by the servants acting as guides. The scandal was whispered about in the family, then spread in the neighborhood, and later became the theme of several short stories. For lack of a plaintiff no official investigation was initiated until eighteen years later when the younger brother, iHsii Ting-tso, while disputing "HSU Hsiieh-chu        [ 582 ]<break>with Hsii Ch'ang-tso over the ownership of some family properties, perhaps in an attempt at blackmail, lodged a formal charge of murder against him. Hsii Ch.'ang-tso was arrested and tried at the magistrate's court and committed suicid ewhile confined in prison awaiting sentence.<break>This and similar tales as told by Hsii Fu-tso reflect a dramatic side of Ming society, especially concerning the self-indulgence and licentious transgressions of the well-to-do. Perhaps this accounts at least partly for the realism in literature achieved in the late Ming period.<break>It may also be pointed out that in Hsii's account of his elder brother, he referred to the magistrate of Ch'ang-shu, Yang Lien (1571-1625, ECCP), as bigoted and tyrannical. Hsii also described a neighbor and relative, Ku Ta-chang (ECCP, p. 893), as a scheming busybody who supplied Yang with information against Hsii Ch'ang-tso. Both Yang and Ku later became celebrated personages when they sacrificed their lives in the fight against the eunuch party, and the stories about the cruelties and indignities they suffered were naturally regarded with sympathy by the general public, especially after the fall of the eunuch party late in 1627. Hsii Fu-tso, however, pointedly declared that the sufferings of Yang and Ku were their just desserts because of their harsh treatment of others. Hsii wrote his story in October, 1627, two months before the condemnation of the eunuch party, and three months before the restitution of Yang Lien's name and reputation. One wonders if the author would have laid bare so much of his feelings towards Yang and Ku had he written only a few months later."
"CHENG Jo-tseng 鄭若曾(T .開陽，H .伯 魯)，fl. 1505- 80，a native of K’un-shan 寛 山 in the prefecture of Soochow, distinguished himself as a geographer. He was born into a family of literary background sustained through several generations, but his father interrupted the family tradition and became a, merchant. In his teens Cheng Jo-tseng was sent to study under Wei Chiao 魏校(T .子才，H .莊渠,1483-1543, cs 1505), where he became acquainted with another student, Kuei Yu-kuang<break>[205]<break>CHENG Jo-tseng<break>(q.v) Wei Chiao had a wealthy cousin by the name of Wei Hsiang 庠(T.子秀, 1487-1554). Later Cheng and Kuei married daughters of Wei Hsiang. Cheng became a student of the district school( 1520s) and later a student in the National University in Peking, but failed repeatedly in the provincial examination. He taught at home, therefore, and subsequently became known as a disciple of Chan Jo-shui (q.v.). Many leading scholars, among them Mao K'un, Lo Ch'in・shun, and T'ang Shun-chih (qq.v.), became his f riends. This small group shared the view that, as a Confucian, one should contribute something to society. As a result each of them not only conducted serious research but also had his own field of specialization, such as military arts or history.<break>In the mid-16th century China's coastal provinces suffered from a series of raids by the Japanese pirates, known as wo-k'ou. Many cities from the Yangtze valley to Kwangtung were sacked and thousands of people lost their, lives. Cheng decided to put aside what he was engaged in and to turn his attention to the strategy of coastal defense. His decision was highly applauded by his friend TEng Shun-chih. With T'ang's encouragement and financial aid, he started in the late 1540s to collect source materials. After several years of strenuous effort, he completed the Yen-hai fu-pen 沿海圖本，a strategic atlas of the Chinese coastal region rang-ing from the Liaotung Peninsula to southern Kwangtung (including the offshore islands), totaling twelve maps with a short text of explanation. This finished, he began to work on his magnum opus, the Ch'ou-hai fu-pien 籌海圖編.He was such a serious scholar that, when his home city K'un-shan was besieged in 1554, he even ventured into the area, believing that only such field investigations would provide him with a better understanding of the tactics of the wo-k'ou and the weapons they used. Unfortunately T'ang Shun-chih passed away in 1560; so it fell to Wang Tao-hsing王道行(T.明輔，H.龍池，cs<break>1549), the newly appointed prefect of Soo-chow, to help Cheng continue his work without interruption. The Yen-hai fu-pen was then published under Wang's patronage.<break>As the piratical raids on the coast of Chekiang increased, Hu Tsung-hsien (q.v.) was appointed governor of Chekiang and later supreme commander of Nan-Chihli. He recruited a number of competent officials including Hu Sung 胡松(T.汝茂，H. 柏泉，October 30, 1503-December 3, 1566, cs 1529, Pth.莊肅)and T'ang Shun-chih. In addition, he invited a few scholars such as Mao KJun and T'ang Shu (see T'an Ch'ien) to become his advisers. On reading the Yen-hai fu-pen, Hu Tsung-hsien was impressed. Learning that Cheng was then planning a new book of strategic value, Hu invited him to Hangchow as his adviser (spring of 1560), at the same time encouraging him to continue his work on the book. In order to gain more reliable information Cheng undertook a series of interviews with the captured Japanese pirates. By accident he learned that they had relatively little geographic knowledge of the, Chinese littoral. Their raids on China were mainly dependent upon native pirates. Cheng therefore suggested to Hu that he sow discord between the Japanese and the Chinese to weaken their military strength. This tactic helped Hu win a decisive victory over the yvo-k9ou. For this Cheng was offered a military rank (November 1560), but he declined.<break>By this time Cheng had just finished the first draft of the Ch'ou-hai fu-pien. He handed it to an experienced editor, Shao Fang 邵芳(a native of Yangchow), who was also working under Hu. With Shao's help, the draft became more systematic and readable. When the book was being printed, Cheng resigned his post under Hu and -returned to Ktn-6han, either at the end of 1560 or the beginning of 1561. In any event he could not have served under Hu for more than one year. Supervised by Hu Sung, then an adminis-<break>CHENG Jo-tseng<break>[206]<break>trative commissioner of Chekang (he was not promoted to be governor of Kiangsi until September, 1561) and a considerable publisher of the day, the first edition of CKou-hai fu-pien was handsomely printed and cased. It contained prefaces by Hu Sung, Mao K'un, and T'ang Shu, a postscript by Lu T'ang ("".), and an acknowledgement by Cheng himself. Since it is a voluminous work, and the process of printing a book at that time, drawing maps, and cutting blocks, was not an easy job, it appeared later than the dates shown in the prefaces. Unquestionably it was printed before Hu Tsung-hsien was put in jail (December 7, 1563) as quite a few passages relating to Hu, in the rare Princeton University copy, were stained with black ink, probably to delete the passages relating to Hu.<break>The scope of the Ch'ou-hai fu-pien initially was fairly small. Cheng planned to compile only a handbook of wo-k'ou activities which he thought might help the coastal officials in dealing with the pirates. Later, with the sponsorship of Hu Tsung-hsien, it was greatly enlarged and became an encyclopedic reference book on coastal affairs. It totals 13 chiian and is divided into eight parts: part I has maps of the eastern world and of the offshore islands along the Chinese coast; part II includes a history of Sino-Japanese relations from the earliest times to late Ming, including a table of Japanese relations with China, and a short history and map of Japan; part III has maps of Chinese coastal areas from the Liaotung Peninsula to Kwangtung and the areas which suffered from the y^o-k'ou raids, together with an account of the distribution of Chinese troops along the coastal areas during the Ming; part IV contains a chronological table of the y^o-k'ou raids in this same region; part V has an account of the routes used by the wo-£o〃； part VI contains an account of the methods the Ming forces under the command of Hu Tsung-hsien used in defeating the pirates； part VII gives a list of those Chinese officers and civilians<break>who lost their lives in the struggle against the woM'oa; part VIII contains a history of the way the Ming government dealt with the pirates, including an illustrated account of the vessels and weapons used by both sides.<break>The CWou-hai fu-pien has been called one of the most scholarly works in its field. A recent critic, Wang Yung 王庸， for instance, has characterized it as a solid contribution to Chinese historical geography in the Ming period. The section on Japan has also been shown to be fairly accurate, Japanese scholars such as Tanaka Takeo 田中健夫 and Fujita Moto-haru 藤田元春 regarding it as one of the most important documents in its sphere. Although Cheng showed some originality, he owed much to one earlier work and to certain friends. The Kuang-yu fu by Lo Hung-hsien (q.v.) was published in 1558. His maps and up-to-date data supplied Cheng with much information. According to Cheng's own acknowledgement, the maps in his Ch'ou-hai fu-pien are largely based on Lo's work. Under the sponsorship of Hu Tsung-hsien, he enjoyed the privilege of interviewing the captured Japanese pirates directly. In addition, he was also in a position to gain access to government documents and archives, including the confidential reports by the men commissioned to go to Japan (see Chiang Chou) to ask the Japanese government to curb the pirates. Consequently he received first hand material not usually obtainable. When he served under Hu Tsung-hsien, many of his colleagues were themselves knowledgeable about geography and might have helped him; among them was a mathematician, Chou Shu-hsiieh 周 述學(T.繼志，H.雲淵子；fl. 1530-58).<break>The significance of the CKou-hai t'u-pien is not alone because of its contents. It marks a turning point in geographic studies in China. Prior to the Ming period, China's major threats came from the north. Geographers had hitherto emphasized the northern frontier areas, and paid relatively little attention to other sections<break>[207]	CHENG Jo-tseng<break>of the country. Only after the publication of the CKou-hai fu-pien did they begin to shift, or at least to include the coastal areas. It also stimulated other geographical studies. Important works, such as Liang Che hai-fang lei-k'a。兩浙海防類考(1575), compiled by Liu Tsung-tai 劉宗岱(cs 1559), Liang Che hai-fang lei-k'ao hsii-pien 續編(1602) by Fan Lai 范深(T.原易，H. 希腸，cs 1574) and Shih Chi-ch'en 史繼辰 (T.應之，H.念橋，cs 1577), and Wu-pei chih (1621) by Mao Yiian-i (q.v.), were either inspired by or followed the pattern of Cheng's opus.<break>During the years from 1564 to the end of the Ming, the CKou-hai fu-pien was republished at least three times: in 1572 with a preface by Wu P，eng 吳鵬(T.萬 里，H.默泉，1500-79, cs 1523); in 1592 (under a different title and in 12 c万.) with a postscript by Fei Yao-nien 費堯年 (T.熙之，cs 1562); in 1624 edited by Hu 亍sung-hsien's grandsons, Hu Teng (see Hu Tsung-hsien), Hu Ming-kang 鳴岡(cj 1621), and Hu Chieh-ch'ing階慶(cj 1615). There is also a reprint of the last with the original preface of Mao K'un and a new one by Hu Ssu-shen 思伸(cs 1595) of 1624. The editors of the last two editions simply dropped Cheng Jo-tseng's name as the author and supplanted it with the name of their grandfather. They also deleted the prefaces by Hu Sung and T'ang Shu, the postcript by Lu T'ang, and the acknowledgement by Cheng because all these indicated clearly that Cheng was the author. Cleverly enough, they preserved Mao K'un's preface, for it mainly applauds the military achievements of Hu Tsung-hsien and Hu's contribution, with only a few sentences relating to Cheng. Wherever Cheng Jo-tseng expressed his own opinions, he usually added his name “tseng"" at the beginning of a passage. This they also dropped and substituted the character 予(ego). Consequently if one did not have a chance to see the first edition, he would not question Hu's authorship, The compilers of the Imperial Catalogue, for instance, apparently saw<break>only the 1624 edition. They therefore took Hu Tsung-hsien to be the author. The seals on the copy at Princeton University show it to have passed through the hands of several collectors, including the famous poet and bibliophile Chu I-tsun (ECCP).<break>[Editors, note: In the 19th century, when the study of coastal defense was revived, the book was usually referred to as Cheng；s, as in Fang-hai pei-lan 防海備 覽(1811),-in Alexander Wylie^- Notes on Chinese Literature (1867), and in H. F. Holfs ""Catalogue of the Chinese manuscripts in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society” (JRAS, 1890, p. 75). In the early 1930s the library of Tsinghua University, Peiping, obtained a copy of the 1572 edition of the CWou-hai fu-pien. The librarian, Shih T'ing-yung 施廷鐺(T.鳳 笙)，wrote an account (in which he quoted from the original prefaces) describing the different editions of the book and establishing its correct authorship. (See Wang Yung, Chung-kuo ti-li fu-chi ts'ung-£。。中國地理圖籍叢考，1947, p. 83-86.)]<break>Cherig also compiled ten other texts, generally with maps: 1) Hai-fang er-lan fu 二覽圖(a strategic map of China's littoral from the Liaotung Peninsula to Kwang-tung, including the offshore islands), 1 c〃.，his co-author being T'ang Shun-chih (completed in 1561, published in 1604); 2) Jih-pen fu-tsuan 日本圖纂 (a map of Japan with text describing the country and its inhabitants, together with a glossary of Japanese-Chinese which may be one of the earliest such vocabularies in China; see Ch'en K'an), 1 c瓦(preface by the author 1561, published in 1662); 3) Chiang-fang fu-k'ao 江防圖考(a map of the Yangtze River from Kiukiang to the sea with text), 1 ch. (published in 1604-5); 4) CKao-hsien fu-shuo 朝鮮圖說(a map of Korea with a description), 1 cA.; 5) Liu-cKiu 琉球 f'〃-s%〃。(a map of the Liu-ch'iu with a description), 1 cA. (published in 1662); 6) An-nan 安南 fu-shuo (a map of Annam with descriptive comments), 1 c瓦 (published in 1662); 7)<break>CHENG Kuei-fei<break>[208]<break>Wan-li hai-fang fu-lun 萬里海防圖論(a map of the seacoast from the Liaotung Peninsula, including Korea and Japan, to the Yangtze valley), 2 cA., the maps of Korea and Japan being very similar to those in Jih-pen fu-tsuan and CWao-hsien fu-shuo (published in 1604; 8) Hai-yiin 海 運 fu-shuo (a map indicating the route by sea from the Liaotung Peninsula to Foochow), 1 cA.; 9) Huang-ho 黃河 fu-shuo (a map with text showing the course of the Yellow River), 1c九；10) Su-sung fou-fu 蘇松浮賦(treatise on the grain tax in the southern part of Nan-Chihli), 1 ch.<break>Most of Cheng's comments and maps in the above group are either overlapping or slightly different from those in his Ch'ou-hai fu-pien. In addition they are all poorly organized. In some cases the repeated narrations and rambling discussions would certainly discourage one from reading them through. These shortcomings, combined wi th the fact that Hu Tsung-hsien used some summaries of these monographs in his memorials presented to the emperor, suggest that they might be Cheng's original drafts for his major work before he handed it to Shao Fang. During the K'ang-hsi reign (1662-1723) these monographs were edited and revised by Cheng's descendants in a single book entitled Cheng K'ai-yang tsa-chu 開陽雜著，reprinted in 1932 with a postscript by Liu I-cheng (BDRC), Also extant are five of Cheng's short essays, such as “Hu-fang t'u-shuo,” preserved in the Huang Ming ching-shih ■wen-pien of Ch'en Tzu-lung (ECCP).<break>Since Cheng received no high degree, nor did he hold any significant position in the government, the sources about his life are few and not entirely accurate. The short notices in the Ssu-k'u catalogue, the Soochow-fu chih, and K9un Hsin liang-hsien hsii-hsiu ho-chih 崑新兩縣續修合志virtually duplicate each other. The exact dates of his birth and death are nowhere cited, but we do know that he was a contemporary of Kuei Yu-kuang, that according to Kuei he enjoyed good health into his sixties, and that he was twice recommended in the<break>late 1570s to serve as a historian—an offer he declined. These points suggest that he may have lived until ca. 1580."
CHAO Yiiann趙元o>r r 原 (T.善長，H .丹 林懷長子) ，died after 1376 ， was usually known as an artist of Soochow. In m any painting?s, , however, he signed his name as “Chao Yuian of Chu-ch’eng” 莒城，a town located in the southeastern part of Shantung proviince. In some references,, he is mentioned as a man of “eastern Ch’i 齊 (Shantung),, who lived in Wu” 吳. Th；is can be interpreted as that he was either<break>a native of Shantung but like many other prominent men of culture in late Yiian went to live in Soochow,, or that he was actually born and raised in Soochow although his ancestors had moved from Shantung to that great city. A famous scholar-painter in Soochow during the period of transition from Yujan to Min匚g2, he was described by a contemporary poetI, Wang Ferngg王：5逢 (T.原吉，元吉，H. 席帽 山人，etc.， 1319-88)， as “unmatched by anyone in eastern W u”一high praise indeed considering the fact that a num ber of well-known painters were active in the Soochow area during that time, such as his frien d N i Tsa n (q. v.). In the last years of the Yiia1n1, , Chao seems to have remained a common]er, but in the early years of the Min1g?, he was summoned by Em peror Chu Yiian1-chang to serve witIih other painters in the Secretariat in Nan-kin]g2. Report has it that when ordered to paint portraits of the worthies of the past dynastiies, he either fail1ed to follow instructions or incurred the wrath of the new emperor to such a degree that he suffered execution.<break>Altth]ough the style of Chao’s painting is said to have derived from a number of earlier masters, the most im portant influence came from Tung Yuian (d. 962). It was his paintings which seem to have inspired C hao to express in his w o rks a “deep and mysterious feeling” which critics found in his portrayal of mountains and for[estts; his free and individ1ujalistic brushwork is perhaps another sign of indebtedness to the 10th century pain]tIer.<break>Amo)ng his extant work〈s, , the earliest dated one is the “Ho_hsi ts’ao，t’ang” 合溪^ 草 堂 (Thatched hut of Ho-hsi), , now in the Shanghai museum, with a colophon written by Ku•i Y i n g (see C h ’en Y uj-jen) in 1363. The painting depicts the scene around the latter’s favorite retreatt. A typical late Yiian com position showing pavilions and trees in the foreground and mountains in the background separated by a broad stretch of river or lake in between, it is close to the works of W u Chen<break>[137]<break>CHAO Yiian<break>(1280-1354) and Ni Tsan. The brushwork combines the finer strokes for figures and boats and the broader strokes for trees and rocks. This appears to be an indication of Chao's earlier style. Another painting, done in somewhat tighter brushwork and thus belonging to about the same time, is the short handscroll of landscape 山水小幅 formerly in the Fritz Low-Beer collection, New York. The fact that both brushwork and composition of this painting are different from most of his other works suggests that it may have been based on a model, probably of the Northern Sung period (960-1126). A third painting possibly of earlier date is the “Lin Tung Pei-yiian hsi shan hsing-lii t，u” 臨董 北苑溪山行旅圖(Travelers on streams and mountains, copying Tung Yiian), now in a private collection in Taipei. In both composition and brushwork the painting is obviously based on an earlier one, here mentioned as a work of Tung Yiian. Certain archaic elements, such as the disproportionate scale between the trees and houses and the very different treatment of the buildings and figures in finer brushwork) and the mountains (depicted more boldly) are still retained. The painting reflects the new interest in Tung Yiian among late Yuan painters.<break>Several other extant paintings show a very clear individual style. Although none of them is dated, each probably belongs to the early Ming period and shows his mature style. Two of them are in the National Palace Museum, Taipei: “Hsi-t'ing ch'iu se” 溪亭秋色 (Autumn colors on a pavilion by a' stream), a hanging scroll, and uLu Yii p'eng chE th” 陸羽烹茶圖 (Lu Yii [d. 804, author Ch，a-ching of, tea classic] brewing tea), a short handscroll mounted together with several other paintings by Yuan painters. A third painting is “Hsia shan tu-shu fun 夏山讀書圖(Reading in the Hsia Hills), a hanging scroll after Tung Yiian, now in the Honolulu Academy of Arts. A fourth is the “Ch'ing-ch'uan sung-k^ t，u”、晴川送客圖(Saying farewell at Ch'ing-ch'uan), once in the C. C. Wang<break>collection, New York. In all four of these, he shows a much freer brushstroke, which is spontaneous and expressionistic, with a strong nervous energy.<break>Another painting often associated with his name is “Shih-tzu-lin tl” 獅子林圖 (The lion grove), a short handscroll depicting one of the famous scenic sights of Soochow. An inscription by Ni Tsan, saying that he had discussed the idea of the painting with Chao Yiian before its execution, has often led connoisseurs to the conclusion that the work was one of collaboration between the two artists. In some catalogues, such as the Shu-hua chi 書畫記 of Wu ChY-chen 吳其貞 (written before 1677), the author speculates that the painting was probably done by Chao while Ni was responsible only for the inscription. In style, however, the painting comes closer to Ni Tsan than to Chao Yiian. The date of Ni's inscription, 1373, would place this scroll among Chao's later works, but it is not in his later style. The painting is at least a good indication of the friendship between these two artists. There is a painting “Pan ch'uang su yii t，u” 半窗疎雨圖(Bamboos in rain), a hanging scroll on silk, now in Nanzenji, Kyoto, unsigned, but bearing two seals, one of which is Chao Yiian's; its brushwork differs greatly from his authenticated paintings and seems to be the work of another artist.<break>Like his contemporaries, Ni Tsan and Wang Meng (夕.v.), Chao Yiian was a scholar-painter who developed an individual style with very impulsive and energetic brushwork. Though not so wide-ranging and profound as the Four Masters of late Yiian, he had his place in the circle of literati of his time. The manner of his death is one of the main reasons that prevented his influence from spreading. Another is that, even in the late Ming period, some critics were already complaining about the scarcity of his works. He was a representative painter nonetheless of the late 14th century.<break>CHAO Yung-hsien<break>[138]
CH’EN Ju-yen陳 汝 言 (T.惟允，H ,秋水，淸 癯生)，ca, 1 3 3 1 - 7 1 , p a in tter【 , poett, officialI, was a native of Soochow where his fatther【 , Ch’en Cheng陳 徵 (T•明善，H.天倪)，born in Ch’ing-chiang 淸症，Kiaanig3s%i,, had settled. Probably like m any learned Chin1ese under MoJn1gJol rule Ch’en Cheng served for some time as a government employee and in later life made his living as a teacher. Both fch’en Ju-yen and his elder brother【 , Ch’en Ju-chih 秩 (TV 惟寅 1329-85),, were quite young when their father died. They studied diligently and distinguished themselves as students in<break>CH’EN Ju-yen<break>[164]<break>the Soochow area. While Ch’en Ju-chih remained at home leading the quiet life of a teacher and a poet, Ch，en Ju-yen pursued an active career. Shortly after the age of twenty, Ch’en Ju-yen, while a guest of a wealthy poet of K ’un-shan 崑山，Ku Ying顧樊（also known as Ku Te-hui 德輝 T.仲瑛，H .金粟道人，1310 -69），began to associate with illustrious men of letters. During a gathering at Ku’s villa, Yii-shan ts’ao-t’ang 玉山章堂，on the 28th of January, 1353, he played the lute for his host and the assembled guests. Soon after this, his skill in pictorial art made his paintings the favorite subjects of some of the poets of his time. Later he became military adviser to P’an Yuan-ming 潘原i明（T. ^ 石，d. 1382）， an official in the service of Chang Shih-ch’eng （《. v.）, after Chang made Soochow his capital （1356）. P’an’s headquarters were first at Hu-chou 湖州 and later at Hangchow. In September, 1367，before Soochow was taken by Chu Yuan-chang, P’an negotiated the surrender of Hangchow to Chu’s armies and consequently was allowed to remain at his post.<break>Shortly after the founding of the Ming dynasty in 1368, Ch’en went to the capital, Nanking, and was appointed registrar in the Shantung provincial administration office. At approximately the same time, Wang Meng （分. v.） was serving as prefect of T ’ai-an 泰安 nearby. During the winter of 1370, Ch’en occasionally visited Wang. The latter had painted a landscape of Mount T’ai and as it happened to be snowing at the time, Ch’en changed Wang’s painting into one of snow, spattering white powder on it by striking a small bow to which a brush had been attached. Since the white powder applied by this means vividly resembled falling snowflakes, Wang greatly appreciated the ingenious contrivance and entitled the painting “Tai-tsung mi-hsiieh t’u” 估宗密雪圖.<break>Because of some blunder which he committed during his term of office, Ch’en was sentenced to death in the autumn of 1371. According to a poem by Chang Yii （《•v.） on the subject of the picture which<break>Ch’en painted just before his execution, he manifested self-control and handled his brush in a relaxed manner. Impressed by the record of his extraordinary coolness, Ch’ien Ch’ien-i （ECCP） later compared him with men of ancient times who showed similar fortit ude.<break>Ch’en’li collection of poems entitled Ch’iu-shui-hsUan shih-chi 秋水軒詩集 is no longer extant. As for paintings attributed to him, nine are listed in Osvald Sir6n’s Chinese Painting，which includes a reproduction of one of them. According to Siren, they are in the style of Chao Meng-fu （1254-1322）, but the first of these reproduced in一the Bunjin Gasen 文 人畫選[edited by Gmura Steigai#F西崖） seems to be spurious because it is dated 1341 when the painter was still a child. The same is true of two other paintings not included in Sir6n’s list. One is also dated 1341，and is reproduced in the Shina meiga hdkan 支那名晝寶鑑；the other bears a date equivalent to 1342， and is reproduced in the Chung-hua mei-shu t ’u-chi 中 華美術圖集. Reproductions of two other paintings attributed to him are to be found in Kokka 國華 and in Chinese Landscape Painting by Sherman E. Lee.<break>After Ch’en’s death, his widow, nee Wu 吳，took his son Ch’en Chi 陳徹繼 （T. 嗣初，H.怡庵，1370-1434） back to Soo-chow; she was honored in 1406 as a noteworthy example of widowhood and motherhood. Approximately twenty thousand chiian of his father’s library remained in Ch’en Chi’s possession. He became well versed in the Classics and eventually achieved a high place in the Hanlin Academy. The father and uncle of Shen Chou （^.v.） studied the Classics under him, just as Shen Chou himself later was a disciple of his son, Ch’en K’uan 陳寬（T. 孟賢，H .醒庵）•<break>There was another Ch^n Ju-yen （^see Keng Chiu-ch’ou）; he was a native of T’ung-kuan 潼關，Shansi, and became a chin-shih in 1442. As a member of the clique of Shih Heng （q.v.）, he served for half a year as minister of War （1457-58 ）<break>[165]<break>CH'EN K'an<break>imprisoned on the charge of accepting bribes, he died on January 22, 1462.
CH ’EN Tao-fu 陳道復 C論容 Ch’un 淳，T. 復甫，H .白陽山人)，1483-1544, painter and calligrapher, was a native of Soochow. His grandfather, Ch’en Ch’iutig 谲 (T .玉 汝，H. 成齋.，1440-1506, cs 1478), served as censor-in-chief in Nanking (1500-5). Ch’en Tao-fu studied in the National University in Peking. His family was well-to-do. After the death of his father, he left the management of his property to others. Following his return from Peking, he discovered that he had suffered heavy financial losses. He continued, however, to devote himself to art and literature. He studied under Wen Cheng-ming (q. v.) and later developed a style of his own.<break>In Soochow Ch’en had a well-planned country seat, distinguished for its beautiful old trees, flower beds, fishing ponds, rocks, and a small zoo. The garden was called Wu-hu t’ien-she 五湖田舍(Five lake country house). Here he entertained his literary comrades, artists, and others, where they indulged in drinking and artistic pursuits. Usually， after imbibing much wine, he would devote himself to painting and writing. One of his sons managed the residence in the city. In his later years, h5s reputation as an artist was exceeded only by that of Shen Chou (q. v.) and Wen Cheng-ming. He had two sons, Ch’en Mei 枚 and Ch’en Kua 括， both of whom achieved some note, the first as a calligrapher, the second as a painter.<break>Wang Shih-chen (<q. v.) comments in his I-yiian chih-yen: “Ch’en Tao-fu originally imitated Yiian painters, sometimes adapting features initiated by Mi Fu (10511107) and his son Mi Yu-jen (1074-1 153). The style is unusual and impressive. His creative talent is really best shown in his flowers and birds.” In the opinion of Wang Shih-min (ECCP), “O i，en Tao-fu^ birds and flowers are at their best when<break>CH’EN Ti<break>[180]<break>he painted them at a time of complete relaxation and seemingly without paying much attention to detail.” To sum up, Ch’en’s paintings are generally unadorned and of genuine beauty. His artistic skill was chiefly due to his intellectual objectivity. Connoisseurs of paintings admired his flowers and birds more than his landscapes. Indeed, his naturalness attained a high degree of refinement when he used light ink and simple brush strokes. As we learn from Wang Chih-teng {q. v.) in his Tan-ch ’ing chih, Ch’en used bright colors sparingly; his drawings were entirely free from artificiality and looked like living flora and fauna. Wen P’eng, son of Wen Cheng-ming, relates the following anecdote: “One evening under candle light, Ch’en Tao-fu took a piece of paper to the inkstone； he crumpled it a bit and dipped it in the ink so as to paint clouds!” In calligraphy tco Ch’en Tao-fu developed his own individual style, especially in the hsing-shu (running style).<break>To illustrate his popularity in his own day, it is worth noting that when the property of Yen Sung (^. v.) was confiscated after his death, the inventory listed 57 examples of Ch’en’s paintings and calligraphy. His art is well represented in various collections in the world, especially in the Palace Museum, Taipei. His collected literary works bear the title Pai-yang chi 白陽集• He seldom took pains in writing verse. His poems resemble those of Shen Chou, being expressed with conversational directness. Ch’ien Ch’ien-i (ECCP) called the works full of platitudes, attributing this to the ineptitude of their compiler.
HSU Pen徐賁(T.幼(以)文，H.北郭生, 蜀山人)，1335-80, poet, painter, and official, was born into a family of Szechwan-ese origin settled at Ch'ang-chou 常州 in the Yangtze estuary. Afterwards he moved to Soochow, the then P'ing-chiang 平江，which in 1356 became the capital of the rebellious leader Chang Shih-ch'eng (q.v) Dwelling in the quarter outside the north wall of the city, he and nine other young men of letters were later called “Pei・kuo shih-yu>,北郭十友 (Ten friends of the north wall) ,-by Kao Ch*i (q.v・)・ All these men were poets, but Hsii, Kao, Chang Yii, and Yang Chi (qg. v.) distinguished themselves as “Wu-chung ssu-chieh"吳中四傑(Four outstanding figures of Soochow). With the exception of the leading poet Kao, they were all painters as well as poets.<break>After 1358, Kao Ch'i and Yang Chi successively became the “guests” of Jao Chieh 饒介(T.介之，H.醉樵，d. 1367), already in the service of Chang Shih-ch'eng. Perhaps in order to escape possible involvement in official life, Hsii and Chang Yii went to stay on two adjoining hills of Wu-hsing 吳興 in Chekiang. On the eve of Hsu5s departure, Kao Chsi wrote the “Sung Hsii I-wen hsii” 送徐以 文序 as a farewell address. In 1364 he composed the “Shu-shan shu-she chi"蜀山 書舍記，an account of HsiTs newly built house on Mt. - Shu. According to this<break>essay, Hsii was already qualified for civil service (in the Yuan government), yet he was in no hurry to seek honor and preferred to pursue his studies. Kao praised him as a far-sighted man who was preparing for greater achievement. Hsii stayed in his mountain retreat almost ten years with varying intervals of absence. His life there and his excursions in the neighboring regions are known from his poems and the poems of Chang Yu and others. Some of these poems are on the subject of his paintings of landscapes there.<break>In October, 1366, the armies of Chu Yiian-chang seized Wu-hsing. One year later P5ing-chiang was also captured after ten months of resistance by Chang Shih-ch'eng. Many of its wealthy residents who collaborated with Chang were banished to Hao-liang 濠梁(Feng-yang 鳳陽).Since Hsii suffered the same fate, he must have been for some time in P'ing-chiang in Chang's service. According to a poem of Yang Chi composed in Hao-liang, he and Hsii shared a house which he named Meng-lu-hsiian 夢綠軒 because once Hsii dreamed of the verdure south of the Yangtze.<break>Released from his place of exile in 1369, Hsii returned to Mt. Shu. His artistic activity in this period is especially marked by two of his paintings, “Shu-shan t'u” 圖 (Shu Mountain) and “Tsui-chung 醉中 t'u" (On a drunken spree), both offered to Lii Min呂敏(T.志學，H.無碍居士), one of the “ten friends” who visited him twice. In his poem inscribed on the first, he expressed his enjoyment of life on Mt. Shu and asked Lu to come to stay with him. According to Lii's inscription on the second, it was made in Hsii's studio Wu-tan 悟澹 on the mount after he and Hsii had been drinking together in the spring of 1373. 、<break>It does not seem that Hsii received an official appointment (as a censor ?) from Chu Yiian-chang until 1374, about the time of Kao Ch'i's death. Early in 1376 he was sent to Shansi on a tour of inspection. At the end of the tour in<break>HSU Pen<break>[596]<break>March, he gave a description of the journey in a series of fourteen poems entitled Chin Chi chi-hsing 晉冀和行.Following this, he received an appointment as senior administration vice commissioner of Honan and in September was promoted to be the administration commissioner. In June, 1377, he was demoted to prefect of Huai・ch'ing 懷慶，Honan, the reason being that it was a punishment for his failure to provide adequate supplies for the expeditionary forces proceeding to the northwestern frontier under the command of Teng Yii (q.v.)・ In February, 1378, Hsii was promoted to be the administration vice commissioner of Kwangtung, a position which he held until his death in 1380. This date is supported by two poems of his contemporaries who lamented his passing, one by Lii Min dated August, 1380, and another by Sung Lien («v・)， who himself died in 1381. The two poems were each inscribed on one of Hsii's paintings, namely <4Hui-shan 惠山 t'u”(Hui Mountain) and “Chu-ch'uang feng-yii 竹 窗風雨 t'u,” (Wind and rain on the bamboo lattice) which are recorded in the Shih-ku-fang shu-hua hui-k'ao, compiled by Pien Yung-yii (ECCP).<break>According to Lii Min*s inscription which follows his poem on the first painting, HsiTs poetic work was originally entitled Wu-tan chi 集，10 c〃.，by Hsii himself, after the name of his studio, but was also known as Pei-kuo chi. The latter title was adopted in 1487 when Chang Hsi 張習(T.企翹，cs 1469) published it for the first time. In a note appended to it, Chang relates that he had made an effort to collect Hsii's poems, which had already been dispersed, and some information about Hsii's life. This account of Hsii's life was partly based on hearsay and is full of errors, such as giving the year of death as 1393. Ch'ien Ch'ien-i (ECCP) pointed out this mistake in the Lieh-cWao shih-chi, citing as evidence the above mentioned poems by Lii Min and Sung Lien. Ch'ien's sketch of Hsii's life, however, also contains several mistakes.<break>Hsii is especially famous for his landscape painting. Seventeen paintings ascribed to him with eight reproductions are listed in Osvald SirSn's Chinese Painting. But five among them are doubtful. The one dated 1345 is too early in time. The other four bear dates after his death： one in 1393, two in 1395, and one in 1397. One of the two dated 1395 is the “Ch'un-yiin tieh-ts'ui 春雲疊翠 t'u" (Spring clouds in alternate banks of white and blue) reproduced in Kokka, Similarly, two more, one dated 1381 and the other also dated 1395, are listed in the Li-tai Uu-cWuan shu-hua tso-p'in pien-nien-piao, compiled by Hsii Pang-ta (see Lu Chih). In addition to the eight reproductions of his paintings indicated by Siren, another may be found in Chinese Landscape Painting by Sherman E. Lee. An important example of his art is the “Wu-hsing ch'ing-yiian 淸遠 t'u” (Wu-hsing in the clear distance), distinguished for its brush strokes, reproduced in the Chin-kuei ts'ang-hua 金匱藏畫.With its extraordinarily fluent lines, it serves as one of the best example of wen-jen-hua 文人畫，the paintings of literati.
HUANG-FU Fatlng皇甫汸(T.子循，H.百 泉子)， 1503-82, poet and official, the third of four famous brothers, was a native of Soochow. This area was for centuries a center of affluence, and many of its sons became leaders in arts and letters. During the 16th century it seems to have reached a high plateau, producing, besides the Huang-fu, such families as those represented by Wen Cheng-ming (^. v.). the brothers Huang Hsing-tseng (^. v.), and Huang Lu-tseng (see Huang Hsing-tseng) and their sons, and Chang Feng-i (分. v.) and his two brothers. The two Huang brothers were cousins of the Huang-fu. The three Chang brothers and the Huang-fu brothers were fondly referred to by their fellow townsmen in the expression: “First the four Huang-fu, and then the three Chang” (前有四皇，後有三 張)• The four brothers were also known collectively as the “Four outstanding Huang-fu” (臭甫四傑)• In the I yuan chih-yen, Wang Shih-chen (《.v.) praised their achievement in poetry.<break>Wealth or official position, and often both together, constituted the background of these famil ies. Usually too, rich families were allied by marriage to other well-to-do famil ies. Huang-fu Fang is a case in point. He married twice, both wives being from families even wealthier than his own. His first wife, nee Shen沈 (1502 -27), came from a fabulously rich household nicknamed Shen Pan-chiang 沈半江， probably implying that it owned half of the Chiang-tung 江東 area of Soochow.<break>[657]<break>HUANG-FU Fang<break>Her father, Shen Chao 沈照，was a chin-shih of 1502 and rose in official position to assistant surveillance commissioner of Kwangtung in 1520-21. His second wife, nee T'an 談(1514-52), also from Soochow, whom he married in 1531, was from a family which owed its wealth to the textile trade. Her father, T'an Hsiang 祥 (T.惟善)，was said to have been a man trusted by all merchants, and the factories of his family reportedly produced materials of the newest design and the most resplendent colors.<break>Huang-fu Fang described himself as a precocious child, one who could compose poetry at the age of seven suL A-mong the four brothers, he was indeed the first to obtain the chii-jen degree (1525), and the first to become a chin-shih (1529). Initially he refused the appointment to a district magistracy, taking a minor post in the National University in Peking instead. Later he became magistrate of Ch'ii-chou 曲周，Shansi, for three years, and returned to the capital as vice director of the bureau of irrigation and transportation in the ministry of Works in 1534. In 1538, when he incurred the displeasure of Kuo Hsun (q. v.), he was thrown into the prison of the Embroidered-uniform Guard and downgraded to the post of prefectural judge of Huang-chou 黃州，Hukuang. Two years later he received an appointment as bureau director in Nanking, but as his father died he retired that same year to his home. When the mourning period expired, he became director of the bureau of records in the Nanking ministry of Personnel. Again, after getting into trouble with a superior, he was dispatched (1545) to the provinces to be a minor official. His mother died the following year. Even at home in the observance of mourning he antagonized a censor and was impeached. He ended his official career as subprefect of K'ai-chou 開州，Szechwan, then of Ch*u-chou 處州，Chekiang, and finally as assistant surveillance commissioner of Yunnan (1554-55),<break>His literary friends included Ho Liang-<break>chiin (q. v.), who not only exchanged poems with him but also expressed high regard for his poetic attainment. Huang-fu Fang's poems were first grouped by periods and printed at different times under such individual titles as CKan-cWi chi 禪棲集, San-chou chi 三州集，and Nan-chung chi 南中集• In 1574 he collected and reedited his own literary pieces into a work of 60 chiian, 33 of poetry, and 27 of prose, and printed it under the unified title Huang-fu ssu-hsun chi 司勳集.The Ssu-k'u editors included this work in the Imperial Library and agreed with other critics in calling Huang-fu Fang an accomplished poet of the mid-Ming era. (It has recently been reproduced in the Ssu-k^u chen-pen 珍本，ser. 3.) Two other items by him also received notices in the Ssu-Eu catalogue, the Po-cKiian-tzu 加。-，"，百泉子緖論, a short book attacking the irresponsible pronouncements of the censors and the injustices flowing therefrom, and the Chieh-i hsin-yu 解頤新語，a collection of notes on poetry. Huang-fu Fang loved music, entertainments, and other sensual pleasures. Even in old age he hardly changed his pattern of life. Ch'ien Ch'ien-i (ECCP) characterized him as a braggart of sorts, and pointed to this failing as the root of many of his troubles.<break>Huang-fu Ch*ung 沖(T.子浚，H.華 陽山人,不菴叟，1490-1558), the eldest brother of the four, was a chii-jen of 1528. He was the only one to fail in the metropolitan examinations, and never held any official post. In his younger days while living in Peking with his father, he led a rather intemperate life, indulged in sensual pleasures, such as games of chance, and enjoyed hunting and polo. He took delight in discussing strategy and tactics of warfare. Later he traveled to Szechwan when his father was an official there. His collected literary works, 40 chiian of poetry and 20 of prose, known as the Hua-yang chi 華陽集，may never have been printed. He is said to be the author of a dozen other works on many subjects, including a family genealogy, but<break>HUANG-FU Fang<break>[658]<break>none seems to be extant except some scattered poems and essays to be found in anthologies and in his brothers’ works.<break>Huang-fu Hsiao 捧 (T.子安，H.少玄 子，1497-1546)，the second of the four brothers, died the earliest. He qualified for the chii-j’en in 1528， and became a chin-shih in 1532. After serving in the ministry of Works, he received a transfer to the ministry of Rites, where he became vice director of the bureau of ceremonies. Grand Secretary Hsia Yen (分. v.) is said to have regarded him favorably, and had him draft several important memorials. His rise probably antagonized others in officialdom in Peking, for he was demoted in 1539 and sent out to be assistant prefect of Kuang-p’ing 廣平，Pei-Chihli. After he received an appointment as a bureau director in the ministry of Justice in Nanking the following year, his father died. Reinstated in Nanking after the observance of the mourning period, he later became assistant surveillance commissioner of Chekiang. Rated inadequate in 1545, he was retired from office. Soon after his mother’s death in 1546, he too passed away. His elder brother edited his literary works and wrote his biography. The Huang-fu shao-hstian chi 少;玄集 in 26 chiian was printed in 1551. An addition of 10 chiian，the wai-chi 外集，was printed in 1566. (These have both been reproduced in the Ssu-k ’u chen-pen，ser. 3.) He is also the author of one hundred biographical sketches of people, living from Chin 晉 to Sung 宋 (roughly 4th to 1 3th centuries), who led idealistic lives as nonparticipants in worldly affairs. This work entitled I-min chuan 逸民傳，2 ch ” was printed in the ts ’ung-shu， I-men kuang-tu by Chou Lii-ching {see Ts’ao Chao) in 1596.<break>The Ssu-k’u editors wrote appreciatively of Huang-fu Hsiao’s poetry and included Huang-fu shao-hsiian chi in the Imperial Library. Their notice of the /-min chuan, however, is open to criticism. Basing themselves on the Ming-shih and the Chiang-rtan t ’ung-chih 江南画志， they<break>assert that the real author of the I-min<break>chuan was not Huang-fu Hsiao, but Huang-fu Lien (see below), the youngest of the four brothers. It seems that both the Ming-shih and the Chiang-nan t ’ung-chih are at fault, and the Ssu-k’u editors were misled. According to Huang-fu Hsiao’s biography, written by Huang-fu Fang, he left a work entitled Hsti Kao-shih chuan 績高士傳， supposedly a continuation of the famous work Kao-shih chuan by Huang-fu Mi (215-282), but he makes no mention of any work with the title of I-min chuan. His description, however, fits the I-min chuan which is available now in the I-men kuang-tu； furthermore, Huang-fu Fang also wrote a biography of Huang-fu Lien, the possible author suggested in the Ssu-k ’u notice, in which no sucK work is mentioned either.<break>What happened, if one may attempt a conjecture, is that the altering of the original title Hsii Kao-shih chuan to I-min chuan was the act of Chou Lii-ching. If one makes a careful examination of the I-min chuan in the I-men kuang-tu， one finds at the end a sketch of Chou Lii-ching himself, which he has surreptitiously added. Perhaps he assumed that to call himself a kao-shih would have been presumptuous, so he deleted this expression and changed the title to I-min chuan. The notice in the Ssu-k’u catalogue also gives Ping Yii 丙|5有 for Teng Yu 鄭郁. As to the remark that the names of Yii I 庾易 and "Seng Shao 僧紹 appear only in the table of contents and that their biographies were omitted in the edition examined, this too is not true for the /-men kuang-tu edition.<break>Huang-fu L ien濂 (T.子約，道隆，理 山，1508-64), the fourth and youngest of the brothers, was a chii-jen of 1534, and a chin-shih of 1544. After a short term as a secretary in the bureau of construction in the ministry of Works, he retired to observe the mourning period for his mother in 1546. In 1548 he again received an appointment in the same ministry, this time as secretary in the bureau of irri-<break>[659]<break>HUANG Hsiao-yang<break>gation and transporttattion. Incurring the displeasure of a superior, he was demoted to a minor post in the Honan provincial surveillance office. In due course he earned a promotion and became assistant prefect of Hsing-hua 興化，Fukien. After 1556 he gave up his official career, and turned to religious Taoism in the search for immortalIitty. Following his death his brother, Huang-fu Fang, edited his literary works and printed them in 20 ch3iia7n7 under the title H彳u/a n g -fu玄sh3u/i-pPuZ ch3i 水部 集. It is said that he also annotated the T ao?-tre? chin7g丁 ，and was a calligrapher, and a painter of flowers, birds, trees, and rocks.<break>The father of these four brother【s, Huang-fu Lu 錄 (T.世庸，H .近峯，1470-1540), became a chiin7-s h*ihV in 1496. In the capital he served the ministries of Works and Rites. Later he became prefect of Shun-ch，ing 順慶， Szechwan (151 1-14). Both the M4in7g?-s hbihb and the M/in7g丁wpai， -shUihb 明外史，as quoted by the Tp ’u/-s 『hiuzchi-ch’e?ng7, mistook Shun-ch^ng for Ch’ung-ch’ing (Chungking). The editors of the SSsuz-kI,ut catalogue notice three of his works, the {H7u/a7n2g?) M4in7g] chi-lIu/e?hU 紀略， the Ch"in7-feZnngTwpe?n7近峯聞 Q<ch!ii) -l/iie h，and the H7s9ia2: p0’i chi-t’a7n7 下成紀談， all of which are in the category of random nottes. Under the first item the editors point out the error of mistaking Shun-ch’ing for Chungking in the M4ing?-s hhihh. This H7uza7n?g丁M4in?gT chbi-lIiieh， a miscellany of anecdotes, deals with various subjects of Ming history, the more important ones being on population,, official salaries, the transport of grain, and Emperor Chu Chan-chi’s (《• v.) hobby of cricket fighting. It was first printed in the late Ming years by Wu Shih 吳拭 in the LLi-ta2i his ia7o?-s hbihb歷代小史. RecentlIy the Commercial Press reprinted it twice, first in 1936 in the Tps ’u/n7g丁-s hbuI chi-ch ’e?rztgr, then in 1940 separately as one of the ten rare editions of the Yuan and Ming. The C hin-feen7g] ch3i-wVe?n7 紀聞，a short work of eighteen notes, may be found in the P°o7-l!in?g丁hbstieh -sh a n， edited and printed by Wang Wen-lu (jq. v.). UnfortunatIelIy the<break>author’s name is printed incorrectly； instead of Huang-fu Lu (T. Shih-yung), , it reads Huang-fu Yung (T. Shih-lu). Small wonder that the meticulous Ch’ing scholars often remarked with despair on the poor editing of Ming times. This is another glaring examplIe. Another trs 'u 》n7g-sFh*uZ compiled about the same time, the C h3i-l!uzh3uii-p°ie?n2 义s e ?e? Shen Chieh-fu), includes a Chin -fe?n7g丁 chif-l1iie?h々 cha7i-ch’a7o? 摘抄 of seventeen notes, identical except for the omission of the first notte. The H7syia7-p ° ’i chi-t’a7n7 is supposedly a group of jotttings on the observations Huang-fu Lu made on the defense against bandits of Shun-ch’ing while he was prefect. It is not clear whether it is still extantt. In addition to the above mentioned three titles, he left a collection of official documents on the regulation of the princes and their domains, the H7uia7n?g夕M4in7g不f，a%n□ -f/u cheng-ling丁藩府政令，compiled when he was director of the bureau of ceremonies in the ministry of Rites under Pai Yiieh 白欽 (T .秉德，1454-1510， cs 1484，minister of Rites, 1508-10). A manuscript copy in 6 chi吃iazn7 of this work is in the National Peiping Library collection of rare books and available on microfilm.
LU Kuang陸廣(T.季弘，H.天游)，a painter who flourished in the middle of the 14th century, was a native of Soochow. Little is known about him, although from scattered sources one learns that he seems to have led a long life, spending some fifty years wandering around many parts of China and visiting a number of<break>famous mountains. Recorded dates and colophons on his paintings fall mostly into the 1350s and 1360s.<break>In spite of the fact that he was a native of Soochow during the period when that city was known for its distinction in arts and letters, he seems to have had little contact with the literati there. In fact, his efforts as a painter were apparently little appreciated until the last decades of the Ming when a change of taste in painting developed. Perhaps this obscurity about his life is due partly to his having lived outside of Soochow much of the time and partly to the fact that few of his works were known.<break>His art began to be valued only after the theories of art developed by Mo Shih-lung (q.v.) and Tung Ch'Lch'ang (ECCP) had gained general acceptance. Consequently, all the major statements characterizing this painting were made by late Ming critics. Li Jih-hua (q.v.) writes： “Lu T*ien-yu stood half way between Yu-wen 幼文(Hsii Pen, q・v・)and Yiin-hsi 雲西 (Ts'ao Chih-po, 1272-1355), with feelings of loneliness and desolation as his main expression. It is difficult to get from him broad pieces with powerful brushwork.M Tung Ch'i-ch'ang also points in the same direction： MBoth Lu T'ien・yu and Hsii. Yu-wen followed Huang Kung-wang” (1269-1354). Another critic reports that his paintings derived from Wang Meng (q.w) His brushwork is described as having an antique spirit and his use of ink characterized as quite distinctive. The tree branches that he depicts are said to show the manner of “dancing pheasants and startled snakes.”<break>Only some eight paintings attributed to him are extant. Among them, the most convincing in style and in related documentation are three： ^Tan-fai ch'un shang” 丹台春賞(Enjoying spring in the Tan-t'ai mountains), “Tan-t'ai ch'un hsiao 曉 (Dawn over the Tan-t*ai mountains), and “Shan-fang ch'iu chi” 山房秋霽(Mountain pavilion in the autumn). All three are<break>[995]<break>LU Nan<break>hanging scrolls painted in ink on paper, each with a poem written by the artist himself in formal manner. Their style has the simplicity and freedom of Huang Kung-wang, but their compositions seem to have derived from some Northern Sung painters, similar to those in the late works of Ts'ao Chih-po—mountains in vertical formations with buildings and pavilions nestled in their midst. The direct source of his compositions is probably the eleventh-century artist Yen Wen-kuei (d. ca. 1020), well known for this kind of composition. In his colophons on a handscroll attributed to Yen Wen-kuei, formerly in the Palace collection, Lu Kuang expresses his admiration and indebtedness to this Sung painter.<break>The combination of Northern Sung compositions of Yen Wen-kuei and the late Yuan style of Huang Kung-wang in his works is probably the main reason why he was not much appreciated in his own lifetime, but highly valued later when literati painters and critics sought to embrace both the monumentality of Northern Sung and the freedom and individuality of late Yiian painters. Thus he holds a position in the history of late Yuan painting similar to that of Ts'ao Chih-po and Hsii Pen, not so inventive as the Four Masters of late Yuan, but achieving a blending of Northern Sung and his own time in a happy union.<break>Another painting, ^Hsien-shan lou kuan” 仙山樓觀(Towers and pavilions on the mountains of Immortals), in the National Palace Museum, Taipei, is a painting of much larger dimension on silk, with an inscription by the artist indicating that it was painted in the “fourth year of T,ien-li,,, a date that is nonexistent. In colophons of both Li Jih-hua and Tung Ch'i-ch'ang, the painting is said to have been divided into two pieces but joined together again after their discovery by these connoisseurs. In style it does not seem to belong to the group mentioned above. There is also doubt about this painting in various late Ming and<break>Ch'ing catalogues. Other attributions probably not of genuine quality include： 4<Hsi-fing shan-se” 溪亭山色(Mountain colors as seen from the Hsi pavilion) in Gems of Chinese Painting (Shanghai, 1955, I, 14); “Shan-shui"山水(Landscape) in Shen-chou kuo kuang c加論州國光集(Vol. VI); “Wu jui tl” 五瑞崗(Five auspicious plants)M in Ku-kung shu-hua chi 故宮書畫集 (Vol. XVI); and “River landscape,w in Nanso Ihatsu 南宗衣鉢(Vol. IV).
NI Wei-te倪維德(T.仲賢，H .敕山老人) 1313-July 25， 1377， medical author and<break>NI Yiieh<break>[1094]<break>practitioner, was a native of Soochow. Both his grandfather and father being doctors, Ni Wei-te followed in the family tradition. He soon became a practitioner of wide fame and enjoyed the reputation of being efficient and benevolent, not caring whether his patients were rich or poor. He was also a considerable bibliophile who used to place standing orders with the local booksellers so that he might obtain any new publications when they came out. His library consisted of more than five thousand chiian for which he had to build an extra room.<break>Although Ni’s fame as a medical man did not reach that of his contemporary Chu Chen-heng (1281-1358), either as an author or as a practitioner, he is important as one of the first to write a treatise on ophthalmology, the Yiian-chi cKi-wei 原機g^微(Investigation of therapies and explanation of subtleties) in 2 chiian. This book is a mixture of theoretical speculations on the basis of the Yin-yang school of quotations from ancient authorities and of therapeutic recipes. It was incorporated into the medical collection Hsiieh-shih i-an 薛氏醫按 by Hsiieh Chi 薛 已 (T.立齋，fl. ca. 1520-30) who added a chapter of his own, and two centuries later into the encyclopedia T ’u-shu chi' ch’eng. Ni was married to a lady from the Chang ^節 family, and had one son Ni Ch’i 起 who inherited his father’s practi ce.
PIEN Wen-yii卞文瑜(T.潤甫，H.浮白， 花籠老人)，a painter from Gffarig-chou長 洲，near Soochow. It has been suggested that his name may originally have been Hsii 徐，but was changed to Pien for seme reason. Pien Wen-yii seems to have had a very long career, active frem 1616 to 1654. He studied with, or rather learned from, Tung Ch'i-ch'ang (ECCP), and his landscape motifs Such as trees, rock, and mountains are a weak image of the great master's work.<break>Pien Wen-yii was considered by Wang Chieh 王節(T.貞明,1599-1660) as one who could capture the true spirit of all the Sung and Yuan masters, thus rivaling Shen Chou (q.v.) in his art. Wang also reported that Pien painted ever more diligently toward the end of his life before he died in his eighties. According to Wang, Pien stayed with Wang Shih-min (ECCP) fcr a period of time, and while there benefited from Wang's collection of ancient paintings, making great improvements in his own art. Wang Chieh's death in 1660 makes the work attributed to Pien, but dated later than 1660, at least problematical. Pien lived to participate in the last phase of the Scuthern School 南 宗 movement, when a few limited landscape forms were maneuvered within equally limited compositional devices (see Ku Cheng-i). Because of his industrious study of the Sung and Yuan masters, he was able to increase his repertoire. For this he received much praise. One other reason for his popularity is the fact that Wu Wei-yeh (ECCP), in his famous “Hua-chung-chiu-yu ko” 畫中九友歌 (Song of nine friends in the art of painting), included Pien Wen-yii along with Tung Ch'i-ch'ang, Wang Shih-min, Ch'eng Chia-sui, Wang Chien, Yang Wen-ts'ung (all in ECCP), Li Liu-fang, Shao<break>[1123]<break>PIRES, Tome<break>Mi (qq.v.), and Chang Hsiieh-tseng 張學增 (T.爾唯，H.約庵).<break>The National Palace Museum at Taipei has two of his albums, “Mo ku shan-shui ts'e” 摹古山水册 and “Su t'ai shih ching ts'e"蘇臺十景册.The former, dated 1653, is a collection of twenty leaves painted in the styles of various ancient masters, and the latter, dated 1654, has ten leaves depicting scenes in and around his native Soochow.
SHEN Chou 沈周(T.啓南，H•石田，白 石翁， etc.), December 9, 1427-Sep-tember 4, 1509, was a painter, calligrapher, and poet who, more than any other artist of his time, made Soochow a leading center for great art. Traditional critics have called him the founder of a type of painting and the initiator of artistic ideals which came to be called the Wu-p5ai 吳派(Wu school). Shen Chou never entered offical service, giving the highly acceptable excuse that he must care for his aging mother, widowed in 1477. (Unless we can postulate a long illness, this is a rather late rationale since Shen Chou was already fifty at this time.) The stories of his devotion to filial duty and other virtues tend to portray him as an ideal exemplar of Confucian conduct and learning, the cultivated, independent scholar-gentleman.<break>Shen Chou was born on the ancestral estate in the town of Hsiang-ch'eng 相城， about ten miles north of Soochow city. It seems that his great-great-grandfather founded the family fortune in land during the Yuan period, and from about the year 1368 the head of the family had been designated one of the local liang-<break>SHEN Chou<break>[1174]<break>chang 糧 長 (tax collector); thi^ indicates that the family was among the most affluent in the district. About 1441 Shen Chou, then only fourteen, was for some reason delegated by his father to take charge of the delivery of tax grain from his district to the granary at Nanking. There is a story about his winning praise at this time from a high official at Nanking who tested him on his ability to write poetry, but the plausibility of the story is shaken by its identification of the high official as Ts’ui Kung 崔恭(T.懋仁，H.岱屛，1409-79, cs 1439, P1th .在敏)，who did not become governor of Soochow and Nanking until 1458. Chou Ch’en (see Chang Hung), however, served as governor there from 1430 to 1451 and so, if the rest of the story is true, he must have been the high official in question. Shen Chou represented the fourth generation of a family of artists, his great-grandfather，grandfather, uncle, and father all being known as poets and painters.<break>It is not clear whether heyor any of his ancestors had ever taken the competitive civil examinations, but since they are grouped in the local gazetteer among scholar-officials some of them at one time or another may perhaps have entered the district school. There is the anecdote that Shen was once summoned by a prefect to decorate the walls of a new building, a task from which he could have been exempted if only he were to ask one of his influential friends to intervene or even to hire someone to act in his place; he went himself, however, saying that it was his duty as a commoner to perform the service. This may be interpreted to mean that he, like Ch’iu Ying (q. v.)，was registered as a professional painter and never as a student of the district school. On the other hand, people highly respected him, his friends including such local scholar-officials as Wu K’uan， Tu Mu, Wang Ao Qqq. v.)， and Wen Lin, the father of Wen Cheng-ming {q. v.)，and his admirers including Grand Secretary<break>Li Tung-yang and Wang Shu (w7.v.)，the governor of Soochow from 1479 to 1484. The anecdote about the prefect summoning Shen to decorate a ^ all, like the earlier story about his being tested on his skill as a poet, seems to be a fabrication, for the surname of the prefect is given as Ts’ao 曹，which could ha''e referred only to Ts’ao Feng 鳳， prefect of Soochow from 1497 to 1499; by that time no prefect, however new to the scene, could have been ignorant of an artist of Shen’s stature.<break>These stories, although shown to include anachronisms, indicate that honored as Shen is known to have been he was still socially classed as merely a commoner painter. Only with such a realization may one gain a true picture of him through the euphemistic expressions used by his biographers. Take for example the term hsing-wo 行篇 which they used for his retreat in the suburbs of Soochow. By it the scholar-official writers tried to suggest that Shen, living in lordly style in his well-furnished home, Yu-chu-chii有竹居(Abode among the bamboos) in Hsiang-ch’eng， occasionally went to a studio in the outskirts of the city, where he spent at most only the daytime hours on each visit, and where, as soon as he arrived, the news spread and customers flocked with their orders.<break>The figures most often mentioned in connection with Shen’s early life and training were closely linked to the scholarly-artistic morld. Ch’en K;uan was his teacher, and Ch’en in turn was the son of Ch’en Chi (for both see Ch’en Ju-yen), who had been the teacher of Shen’s father and uncle, and who was the grandson of Ch’en Ju-yen, a known painter of the mid-fourteenth century whose work stilf survives. The Ch’en family came from the area of the famed Kiangsi mountain, Lu-shan 盧山， and the whole sense of Shen’s relation to his teacher has been caught by the large hanging scroll Shen painted for him in 1467，“Lu shan kao” 高 (Tow ering Mt. Lu, now in the National<break>[1175]<break>SHEN Chou<break>Palace Museum, Taipei). With this symbol the artist quite literally extols Ch'en K'uan as a lofty figure of learning.<break>Others certainly important in his early training were his father and uncle, who both had talents similar to those Shen Chou was to develop to such a high degree. The well-known early Ming scholar-painter, Tu Ch'iung (g. v.) is also said to have taught Shen. Later Shen gratefully wrote a chronological biography of his teacher -entitled Tu Tung-yiian hsien-sheng nienfu 杜東原先生年譜・Finally, the gifted painter Liu Chiieh 劉珏(T.廷美 H.完菴，1410-72) was close to the younger artist. Two of his finest paintings are intimately connected with Shen Chou or his family. “ChYng-pai-hsien" 靑白軒，Liu Chueh5s painting of his house in 1458, carries colophons by Shen Chou's grandfather and father; while a swift sketch of 1471, “Lin-an shan se t'u” 臨安山色圖(Mountain Scene, Freer Gallery of Art, Washington, D. C.), was painted during a trip to Hangchow on which Shen Chou was one of Liu Chiieh's companions.<break>We have thus the clear picture of a young painter deeply immersed in the scholarly aristocratic life of fifteenth-century Soochow. As an artist he developed out of the early Ming which for the scholar class was linked closely to the late Yiian. There were only fifty-two years between the death of Wang Meng (,. v.) in 1385 and Shen Chou's birth. Wang Meng is said to have been a friend of Shen's grandfather. Shen Chou, according to Wen Cheng-ming, brushed only small paintings until he was forty. This in itself is an indication of Shen's dependence on the rather intimate personal vision of the Yiian. Huang Kung-wang (1269-1354) and Wang Meng were a particularly strong influence on the developing painter. At present the earliest known dated painting by Shen Chou is called “Yu-chii t，u” 幽居圖(Retreat) now housed in the Osaka Municipal Museum. Painted in 1464, it is symptomatic of the artisfs early skills, both in its subject and in its delicate sensitive style.<break>The year 1471 is of special significance in Shen's outwardly rather uneventful life. This was the year he completed his own home, the Yu-chu-chii. Although the actual location in not certain, it was still within the Hsiang-ch'eng area of the family estates. The move was heralded by a series of poems written by friends and relatives, among them Shen Chen-chi 沈貞吉(T・南齋),Liu Chiieh, and Wu K5uan. Thus the stage was set for his own independent pursuit of a life he had idealized in his painting of seven years before. Old friends were soon to leave him. Liu Chiieh died in 1472; Tu Ch'iung in 1474. His father passed away in 1477 and his younger and only brother, Shen Chao 召(T.繼南)，in 1472. “In my life brothers are few,” Shen Chou wrote, “there is only Chao and Chou.,,<break>Among Shen Chou's acqaintances who had written poems on the occasion of the building of the "Abode among the bamboos,, was the famous statesman Wu K'uan. Evidence of their friendship runs through the lives of both men. They seem to have been particularly close when Wu returned to Soochow for the period of mourning upon the death of his own father. We know from recorded poems that Shen stayed at Wu Ktan's residence in 1478. On another occasion they were together at Shen's dwelling viewing a painting of the tenth-century painter Li Ch'eng, and examining an old Shang dynasty bronze. Together they went on an excursion to Yu-shan 虞山. When Wu K'uan was to return to Peking in 1479, Shen Chou painted a long handscroll for him, now in the Kadogawa collection in Tokyo. It was both a leave-taking present and a gift in return for Wu K'uan's having written the memorial inscription for the tomb of Shen's father. Besides being a painter, Shen was famous as poet and calligrapher. In literature he was especially versed. His poetry is said to have been strongly influenced by Po Chii-i (772-846), Su Shih (1037-1101), and Lu Yu (1125-1210). The most impor-<break>SHEN Chou<break>[1176]<break>tant early model for his calligraphy was Huang T'ing-chien (1045-1105).<break>His paintings are often specific recordings of the scenery of the Soochow area, for he was a figure completely absorbed in his own locale. Of these a long, free yet strongly executed handscroll. “Su-chou shan-shui ch^uan-t^u,,蘇州山 水全圖 (A complete painting of the Soochow landscape; National Palace Museum), is apparently one of the most important. In 1488 he painted “Ku Su shih ching"姑蘇十景(Ten views of Soochow; present whereabouts unknown). There is an album “Liang chiang ming-sheng ts'e” 兩江名勝册(Famous views of two rivers; formerly in China), and another entitled “Hu-ch'iu 虎丘 ts'e" (Twelve views of Tiger Hill; in the Cleveland Museum). A journey to I-hsing 宜興 in 1499 and a visit to a famous stalactite grotto there has been preserved in two versions, one in the collection of Mr. H. C. Weng in New York. Finally it is known that he painted “San kuei 三檜 fun (Historic ancient junipers of Ch'ang-shu 常熟)presumably as the result of a trip there.<break>As an artist, Shen certainly emerges by the 1480s as a strong individual personality. He is no longer dependent upon the past, the accomplishments of the late Yuan and early Ming. The whole course of his development has been given a near contemporary analysis by Wen Cheng-ming on an original colophon of 1516, “Shen shih-fien Wen Cheng-chung shan-shui ho-chuan,,文徵仲山水合卷(Five-leaf album; Nelson Gallery, Kansas City). He succinctly describes his teacher's greatness as what “no artist-craftsman could attain. In his early years the master studied Wang Meng and Huang Kung-wang and then went on to work in the style of Tung Yuan and Chii Jan [both 10th century]. The more he did, the deeper he went; and one could not distinguish the point of origin.n The more intimate touch of his earlier painting may be seen in such rather modest but sensitive dated works as the “Retreat” of 1464 already<break>mentioned, a scroll, “Ch，iu hsi yii yin 秋溪漁隱 t，u” (Fishermen in a landscape [1471]; Honolulu Academy of Arts), and a delicate landscape revealing an excursion to Tiger Hill in 1476 (National Palace Museum, Taipei). His style changes as he is now well into his fifties. He becomes far more deliberately strong in his expression, blocking out exact compositions, and defining forms with thick blunt strokes of the brush. Yet withal he retains a sense of ease and the importance of personal and individual expression that have made him such a central figure in the whole history of scholarly painting in China.<break>Thus in 1494, after a famous series of album-leaves, he describes the circumstances of their origin: “I brushed this album for fun, painting things as they looked just to go with my leisurely and well-fed delight....” (National Palace Museum). Several paintings might be cited as examples of his characteristic strong style: "Shih-ssu yeh yiieh 十四夜月 t'u" (Watching the mid autumn moon), painted when Shen was about sixty (Museum of Fine Arts, Boston); the Five-leaf Album, the colophon of which has been cited; the album also mentioned above, Twelve views of Tiger Hill, Soochow; “Chiang ts5un yii lo 江村漁準 tl” (River village and the joy of fishing; Freer Gallery of Art); “Ts'e chang 策杖 tl” (The staff-bearing wanderer; National Palace Museum). While this type of painting appears to continue to the end of Shen's life, his later works may show greater looseness and freedom. Sometimes these latter are associated with the style of the great Yuan master Wu Chen (1280-1354).<break>Much subsequent painting in Soochow owed a debt to Shen Chou but, aside from Wen Cheng-ming, painters are seldom listed as his direct pupils. Thus Hsieh Shih-ch'en (q. v.) was influenced by his style, and artists like Ch'en Tao-fu and Ch'ierrKu (qq. v.) reflect his influence through their immediate master, Wen Cheng-ming. Shen died aged eighty-two.<break>[1177]<break>SHEN Ch'iieh<break>outliving by several years his son, Shen Yun-hung 雲鴻，who lived in the neighboring hsien, K'un-shan 崑山.The burial rites were thus carried out by a concubine's son, Shen Fu 復 and a grandson, Shen Lil 履.<break>Shen is the author of several books, among them K'o-tso hsin-wen 客座新聞， 1 ch., Shih-fien chi 集，9 c〃.，Shih-fien tsa-chi 雜記，1 泌・，Shih-fien shih-hsiian 詩選, 10 ch., and (with others) Chiang-nan c"〃〃 Ru 江南春詞，1 ch., all of which are extant, except possibly the last. Of these, only the fourth, a collection of his poetry, found a place in the Imperial Library. Among the more interesting is his brief Shih-fien tsa-chi, which includes his recipes for varnishing, cooking, certain medicines, wine, vinegar, and the like. His portrait has been reproduced in the frontispiece of The Field of Stones.
TANG Yin唐寅(T.伯虎，H.子畏，六如)， April 6, 1470-January 7, 1524, painter and poet, was a native of Soochow, the son of a restaurateur. He showed two outstanding traits in his personality early in life. First, he was unusually bright and versatile. Second, he led a carefree life, drinking excessively. In his youth he and his neighbor and good friend, Chang Ling 張靈(T.夢晉)，who later also became a painter, were known for their profligacy. Fortunately, perhaps because of his intelligence, he came under the guidance of a well-known scholar in Soochow, Wen Lin, father of the great artist, Wen Cheng-ming (q.v・)・ Through Wen Lin the literary world of Soochow seems to have opened up for him. Chu Yiin-ming (q.v.) became a close friend and remained so throughout his life. He also became acquainted with some of the influential men of the city, such as Shen Chou, Wu K'uan (夕g.v.), and the prefect Ts'ao Feng (see Shen Chou). All these connections assured him apparently a bright future.<break>A series of misfortunes befell him when he was around the age of twenty-four. During the year 1493/94, his father, mother, wife, and sister died one after the other, leaving only himself and a younger brother. His father does not seem to have left much for the two sons. After this family tragedy, T'ang Yin changed his ways. Admonished by his friend Chu Yun-ming, he shut himself up for a whole year to concentrate on his studies. When the mourning period was over, he participated in the provincial examination of 1498 and won first place.<break>Prior to the metropolitan tests in 1499, T'ang Yin came to know Hsii<break>[1257]<break>T'ANG Yin<break>Ching 徐經(d. 1519), a rich man's son, who was also heading for the capital for the same purpose. In Peking, because of his penury, T'ang depended on Hsii for high living. Hsii, who does not seem to have had much confidence in his own ability to place, is said to have bribed the servant of one of the two chief examiners, Ch'eng Min-cheng (q.v.), to get hold of the questions, and then to have shared them with T'ang. Actually Ch'eng had already received reports about T'ang from the official examiner in Nanking, Liang Ch'u (q.v.)・ Before long the matter came to light and was reported to the emperor. As a result, T'ang Yin and Hsii Ching were thrown into jail, and the examiner Ch'eng likewise (May 31). For T'ang, who was regarded as a leading figure among the hopefuls in the examination, this was a shattering blow, for it meant the end of any official career. Although after release he was offered a petty position in Chekiang, he declined and returned to Soochow.<break>According to Chu Yiin-ming who wrote T'ang's epitaph, the latter traveled extensively in this period, south to Fukien and west to Szechwan, as a way to forget his troubles. This has been disputed recently by Chiang Chao-shen 江兆申, however, who thinks that this was Qhu's way of disguising his friend's depression after the disaster, for T'ang actually would not have had the means to take such lengthy journeys. In disgrace and frustration, T'ang found little outlet for his talents, and gave himself entirely to drinking and the bohemian life. He divorced his second wife, and became quite cynical, sometimes using in his poetry extremely colloquial expressions as a means to shock the public. When Wen Cheng-ming reproached him for his ways, he retorted rudely, almost breaking up their friendship. Still he needed to support himself. It was probably about this time, around 1500, that he began to study painting under Chou Ch'en (q.v・)，thinking of using this art to earn his livelihood.<break>Soon his fame in this medium rose to such an extent that reportedly Chou Ch'en was asked to paint for him in order to fill his commissions. Later, around 1505, he seems to have done so well that he was able to build a villa on the Peach Blossom Embankment in Soochow.<break>In 1514 Chu Ch'en-hao, the prince of Ning (see Wang Shou-jen), an ambitious man who was planning to rebel, after hearing about T'eng's talents invited him to join his staff in Nanchang. Glad to have this opportunity, T'ang accepted the position, and enjoyed himself with visits to some of the famous mountains and lakes in Kiangsi, such as Mt. Lu 廬山. When, however, he discovered the prince's real intentions, he tried to disengage himself. He feigned madness, drinking heavily and causing all kinds of embarassments. Eventually, deciding that T'ang was too unruly to be of any use to him, the prince let him go.<break>In his later years, back in Soochow, he became quite famous. Many more of the leading men of the area, both scholars and artists, were numbered among his acquaintances. His daughter married the son of Wang Ch'ung (q.v.), also a poet and painter. On the other hand, his indulgence in wine and women, often with Chu Yiin-ming as companion, became excessive. Many anecdotes about his brawls, his escapades with prostitutes, his mischievous tricks on friends and prominent literati, were the talk of the town. As a result, T'ang gradually became known in the popular media as a colorful, frivolous, and comic hero involved in a whole series of romantic attachments. The most famous story about him is the “San" hsiao yin yuan>,三笑因緣 (Romance of the three smiles), the theme of which developed into a drama, T'an-t^u 彈詞，and short stories. Later scholars have shown that T'ang's name was substituted in the story for that of a character in a play which originated during the Yiian. In spite of this, the legend spread his fame in later Chinese literature.<break>T'ANG Yin<break>[1258]<break>Toward the end of his life, to lament his own fate, he carved a seal for himself with the characters "Chiang・nan ti-i feng-liu ts/i-tzu” 江南第一風流才子(The foremost rake south of the Yangtze River). He also turned to Buddhism, and took the pseudonym Liu-ju六如(Six likes), a term borrowed from the Diamond Sutra. Because of his reckless life, his health suffered and he died at the age of nearly fifty-four. T'ang is known as a poet, calligrapher, and painter. As a poet, his name came to be bracketed with those of Chu Yun-ming, Wen Cheng-ming, and Hsii Chen-ch'ing (q.v.) as one of the “Four Talents of Wu” 吳中四子.A translation of one of his poems appears in The Penguin Book of Chinese Verse. His poems and essays were assembled in one volume, T'ang Po-hu ch9iian chi 伯虎全集，first brought together in 1534, not long after his death. Additions were made in 1592, 1607, 1614, and finally in 1801. The last edition includes his poems, essays, and other writings, and also some of the biographical accounts and other episodes in Ming and Ch'ing informal writings, as well as the book on painting which he is supposed to have edited. Among his best-known writings are three letters which he addressed to his friend Wen Cheng-ming< lamenting his fate.<break>T'ang's greatest claim to fame undoubtedly lies in his painting. He is generally regarded as one of the “Four Masters of the Ming,” together with Shen Chou, Wen Cheng-ming, and Ch'iu Ying (q.v.), each with his own distinctive style. As a professional painter, Tang was generally quite eclectic. Wang Shih-chen (,. v.) writes about his painting： “Po-hu has very high ability. From Li Ch'eng, Fan K'uan, Li Tang, Ma Yiian, and Hsia Kuei of the Sung to such masters as Chao Meng-fu, Wang Meng (q.v.), Huang (Kung-wang) of the last dynasty [Yiian], he studied them and understood them all. His handling of the brush is elegant and rich as well as cautious and precise, but full of consonance at the same time.” T'ang's<break>painting, typical of the Ming approach, does not have so much direct contact with nature as that of the artists of Sung and Yiian. His work reflects his knowledge of the past and his blending of various elements from the earlier masters into one. In scope, his works range from the more eclectic paintings, which must have derived from those of Chou Ch'en, to the more literati works close to those of Shen Chou and Wen Cheng-ming.<break>Among some two hundred extant works attributed to T'ang's hand, the most interesting are those scattered in various museums, such as the Palace Museum, Taipei, and others in mainland China. The outstanding piece in sheer skill among his early works is “Chiang-nan nung-shih t'u" 江南農事圖(Farming in Chiang-nan) in the Palace Museum. It is characterized by its exquisite, minute brushwork on paper, a unique piece. Typical of his middle period under the strong influence of Chou Ch'en is a group of hanging scrolls now on the mainland and published in the T'ang Liu-ju hua chi 畫集，reprinted by Chiang Chao-shen. They include “Mao-wu feng-ch5ing 茅屋風淸 fu” (Thatched cottage in clear wind), “Kao-shan ch'i-shu 高 山奇樹 t'u” (Lofty mountains and rare trees), uHsueh-shan hsing-lii 雪山行旅 tl” (Traveling in snowy mountains), “K'an-ch'iian fing-feng 看用聽晟 t'u” (Looking at the waterfall and listening to the wind), and “Pao-ch'in kuei-lai 抱琴歸來 t'u” (Returning home with lute). The “Han kuan hsiieh-chi chou”函關雪霽軸(Clearing after snow in a mountain pass) in the Palace Museum also belongs to this group. A riiore mature style is shown in the following paintings, probably belonging to the period when he was forty years of age： “Lo hsia ku-wu 落霞孤驚 tl” (Pavilion of the prince of Teng) on the mainland, and “Shan-lu sung-sheng 山路松聲 t'u" (Whispering pines on a mountain path), and "Hsi-chou hua-chiu 西洲話舊 t，u” (Exchanging reminiscences in Hsi-chou), both in the Palace Museum. While the group of works printed when he was between<break>[1259]<break>TAO-CHI<break>thirty and forty are characterized by their eclecticism in modeling after the pattern of both Northern and Southern Sung, but with more stylized rocks and trees, the later works show some of the same tendencies, but are more relaxed in brushwork and in treatment. In his last years, however, his best works are those exhibiting a more literati approach, such as “Chen-tse yen-shu 震澤烟樹 chou" (Trees in the mists of Lake T'ai), “Ts'ai lien 採蓮 t'u” (Gathering lotus), dated 1520, and “Kao-shih 高士廿u” (A scholar), all in the Palace Museum. The last was modeled after Liang K'ai (fl. 1204), in which the very free and sketchy brushwork of the painter is imitated.<break>T'ang was also known for his portrayal of courtly ladies, a tradition that goes back to such eighth-century artists as Chou Fang and Chang Hsiian. Several paintings in the Palace Museum illustrate this： “T'ao Ku tseng-tz'u 陶穀贈詞 t'u” (Tao Ku presents a poem),'哈ang T'ang-jen shih-nu,,倣唐人仕女(Figures in the TEng style), and "Pan-chi 璇姬 fuan-shan 團扇 t'u” (Lady Pan holds the autumn fan).<break>As indicated above Tang Yin is also known to have compiled a book on painting, called Liu~ju chu-shih hua p>u 居士 畫譜，with treatises on painting from T'ang, Sung, and Yuan writers. Sometimes it appears as one of his collected works, such as the one mentioned above, but sometimes it is printed either as a separate volume or as a part of books of treatises on painting. It is, however, now generally considered to be by another hand.
TU Ch4ung杜瓊(T.用嘉H,王塢山人，東 原耕者，鹿冠道人)，January 4, 1397-Decem-ber 5, 1474, scholar and minor painter, was born into a wealthy family of the T'ai-p'ing quarter太平坊 in Soochow. Only one month after his birth, his father Tu Yii 玉 died in Nanking where he had been compelled to stay on account of an imperial edict promulgated in 1391 which required certain wealthy persons to reside at the capital. It was not until 1419 that Tu Ch5iung obtained his father's books and antiques that had been left there. He began to attend school at the age of seven; later he became the pupil of Ch'en Chi (yee Ch'en Ju-yen). A brilliant student, he was chosen by Ch'en to teach the other pupils in 1411 when Ch，en was summoned to an official post. Obliged by a requirement for all early Ming teachers, he accompanied his students in 1420 to the capital (now Peking) so that they might be examined on their ability to recite the first emperor's exhortation on observance of the law presented in Ta-kao (see Chu Yiian-chang). This was the only journey to the north that he ever made.<break>From 1434 onward, he declined successively the recommendations of local officials to enter the civil service. In 1437, when again recommended, he refused once more, but, in compliance with his own request, his mother received honors as a noteworthy example of motherhood and widowhood by imperial edict in 1439, eleven years before her death. In addition to this, his family was exempted from<break>TU Mu<break>[1322]<break>land tax and in 1441 registered as Ju-chi 儒籍(Confucianist) in Soochow following two precedents, those accorded to Yii Chen-mu 俞 貞木木 (1331-1401) and Ch’en Ghi. Although he declined official posts, he was asked to participate in collecting local materials for the compilation of both the T'ai-tsung shih-lu (1425) and the Hsiian-tsung shih-lu (1435). In 1454 he was again charged with collecting local information for the geography of the empire. In the early part of 1474, the year of his death, he was still engaged in revising the local history of Soochow compiled by others.<break>Apparently Tu’s wealth increased as the years went by, for it is recorded several times that he built new quarters, opened a new garden, or acquired more land. From 1459 on, repeated invitations came to him to take part in the ancient rite of village wine drinking reinstituted at the beginning of the Ming; it was under the sponsorship of local educational officials and designed to permit the respected elders of the local community to meet together. This was considered a great honor for the local gentry at that time.<break>The year following his death, several thousand men, among whom were numerous people of influence, attended his burial ceremony. He was posthumously given an official rank in 1494 when his second son, Tu Ch，i ^ (T .子”fl ，b. 1452, cj 1474) was serving as magistrate of Ch’ang-yiian 長垣，Pei-Chihli. Four years later his name was entered in the local temple of worthies.<break>To sum up, his principal career was no more than that of a local teacher. His renown derived from the fact that Soo-chow was the cultural center south of the Yangtze where many scholars of note became his students. These included, among others, Wu K’uan and Shen Chou (qq.v.), authors of his epitaph and his chronological biography.<break>Neither Wu nor Shen mentions his pictorial art? but he became known also as a painter. Eight of his extant paintings<break>are listed in Oswald Sir6n’s great corpus. Since he had absolutely no impression of his father, it is said that he asked other people about his father’s appearance and then painted a portrait to serve as an object of worship when he grew up.<break>As to his literary output, Tun^-yuan c〃(東原集，7 ch” and Chi-shan" lu 紀善錄 (aft attempt at :a book of exempla), 1 ch., are both noticed by the editors of the Ssu-k ’u catalogue. The Tung-yiian chi, included in the T ’ien-ch ’ih-lou ts'ung-cKao ^£ 尺樓叢鈔，represents only one chiian of prose and one chiian of poetry. An example of his poetry in English translation is given by Susan Bush; it concerns the development of landscape painting.
WANG Ao王整(T.濟之，H.守溪，拙叟)， September 12, 1450-April 14, 1524, man of letters and grand secretary (1506-9), was born into a peasant family which had settled south of Soochow in a village that came to be known as Wang-hsiang 巷.It was situated on the east shore of Lake T'ai on the peninsula Tung Tung-t'ing shan 東洞庭山.In 1439 it was such an unsophisticated rural area that, when the officials came to solicit students to<break>study in the district school, all the young men went into hiding. The only one who volunteered happened to be Wang Ao's father, Wang Ch'ao-yung 朝用 (H.靜樂，1419-1503), then twenty years old and commonly regarded as not overly bright. He worked hard, though, and after repeatedly failing in the provincial examination attended the National Universty as a student. Later he served a term as magistrate of Kuang-hua 光化 in northwestern Hukuang (ca. 1473-76) where in 1476 he accompanied Yuan Chieh (see Hsiang Chung) to survey the mountainous region for the registration of the settlers. He then retired.<break>A precocious and serious child, Wang Ao became a student in the district school, and in 1467, at the age of seventeen, went to Peking to be with his father, then studying in the National University. Duly impressed by the youth's promise, Yeh Sheng (q. y.», the minister of Rites, recommended him to study under Ch*en Yin 陳音(T.師召，H.愧齋，1436-94, cs 1464), an erudite Hanlin scholar. In 1474 he passed first on the chii-jen list, and a year later achieved third place in the chin-shih examination. He was immediately appointed to the Hanlin Academy as compiler. In April, 1488, when the new emperor, Chu Yu-fang (q. v.), appointed the ching-yen 經筵 commission in charge of his regular classical studies, Wang Ao was at first named one of the eight leaf-turners (chan-shu kuan 展書官)，but later he was raised to be an expositor 侍講， then senior expositor. On numerous occasions he exhorted the emperor to be frugal, to extricate himself from the influence of eunuchs (alluding to Li Kuang [q. v.] in particular), and to attend to state affairs. His candor and earnestness made a marked impression on the emperor.<break>In February, 1488, Wang took part in the compilation of the veritable records of Emperor Chu Chien-shen (q. v.), the Hsien-tsung shih-lu, completed in 1491. Thereafter he advanced steadily in the Hanlin Academy and participated in the<break>WANG Ao<break>[1344]<break>compilation of the Ta Ming hui-tien (April, 1497; never published, see Shen Shih-hsing). In August, 1500, he became an assistant minister of Personnel and developed a reputation as a thoughtful and outspoken critic of current affairs.<break>Early in 1500 the Mongol tribesmen, under the leadership of their chieftains, Hsiao-wang-tzu {see Batu Mongke) and Qosai 火師，having recovered from their earlier defeats by the Chinese on the northern frontier {see Wang Yiieh), renewed their depredations in Tatung and neighboring regions. The Chinese commanders, first Ch’en Jui {see Liu Ta-hsia), and then Chu Hui (see Batu Mongke), both failed to halt the enemy. In February, 1501， the emperor summoned a court conference to deliberate on strategy; Wang participated, and followed up with an eight-point memorandum in which he pointed out the diffusion of authority and frequent quarrels among the eunuch in charge, the censor-in-chief, and the military commander; he also proposed the appointment of a supreme general to coordinate the command, recommending an experienced official, Ch’in Hung Qsee Wang Chih 汪 直 )• Ch’in was duly given the ' post in October, 1501, following a Mongol setback of Chu Hui and his deputies in the Ordos region in August. The continual reliance on inept commanders, despite their repeated failures, however; further weakened the Chinese position on the northern frontier. In April, 1503. Wang left office to observe the mourning period for his father who had died some months earlier, and he did not return to public life until the ensuing reign.<break>In December, 1505，through the recommendation of his disciple, Liu Jui 劉瑞 (T 德符，H.五清，cs 1496, Pth.文肅)，a corrector in the Hanlin Academy, Wang was reinstalled as vice minister of Rites under the new emperor, Chu Hou-chao (q. v.). In the following month he served as associate director-in-chief of the compilation of the veritable records of Chu Yu-t’ang，the Hsiao-tsung shih-lu,<break>and received promotion to senior assistant minister in May, 1506. During this time the young emperor fell under the influence of a group of junior eunuchs led by Liu Chin (g. v.). In October, after Grand Secretaries Liu Chien and Hsieh Ch’ien (gq. v.) lost out in their contest for power against the, eunuchs and were forced to retire, Liu Chin gained the emperor’s full confidence and became head of the directorate of ceremonial. To bolster his influence, Liu maneuvered to appoint his protege, Chiao Fang (q. v.)，then minister of Personnel, to fill the vacancy in the Grand Secretariat, but court opinion strongly favored Wang Ao. In November, as a gesture of compromise, the emperor appointed both Chiao and Wang to the Secretariat. With the eunuchs in control, Wang Ao was rather reluctant to assume the charge, and submitted three separate memorials declining the appointment, but the emperor ignored them. In September, 1507, when the emperor honored him with the title of junior tutor, grand tutor to the heir apparent, and concurrently grand secretary of the Wu-ying-tien, he again begged to resign, but received a similar rebuff. In March of the following year he was put in charge of the supervisorate of imperial instruction. He and his senior, Li Tung-yang (q. v.), were now the only officials in a position to restrain the excessive misdeeds of the eunuchs and protect their fellow colleagues from becoming their victims. Aware of his precarious situation, Wang pleaded failing health and again submitted three successive memorials begging for retirement; his request finally gained approval in May, 1509. The emperor granted him a monthly stipend of five shih of rice, and eight attendants. Thereupon Wang went to his native village and devoted himself to study and writing.<break>After the fall of Liu Chin in 1510, many officials, recalling Wang’s record, wished him to return to public life, but Wang declined. Early in 1522, probably as a prelude to summoning him to serve, the new<break>[1345]<break>WANG Ao<break>emperor, Chu Hou-t^ung (q. v.), sent a special messenger to inquire after his health. In return, Wang submitted in December a letter expressing gratitude, together with two chapters of lectures, one entitled uChiang-hsueh,,講學(the importance of learning) and the other “Ch'in・cheng''親武(attention to state affairs), at the same time expressing his wish to stay out of office. In his first lecture, Wang urged the emperor to reinstitute the advisory council 弘文館(College of literature), which functioned briefly under the first emperor (1370-76), but was dissolved after a few months of revival in 1425. This council, to be headed by a grand secretary, he proposed, should draw upon a small group of men of outstanding learning and literary attainment who could readily provide advice to the emperor on state affairs and other important matters. Wang apparently felt that the presence of such an advisory corps would help to influence the emperor and serve as a possible deterrent to domination by the eunuchs, as had been the case during the previous reign. His recommendation, however, does not seem to have impressed the emperor. Wang died in April, 1524, at the age of seventy-four. (The shih-lu, however, records his death on June 6, which is probably the date the court conf erred posthumous honors on him.) The emperor gave him the posthumous title of grand tutor and the canonized name Wen-ko 文恪(cultured and faithful).<break>Wang Ao was an outstanding official of his time; he was known for his integrity and outspoken comments on state affairs. Unlike many of his 1 colleagues, however, Wang enjoyed a relatively stable career in spite of the chaotic political situation which obtained during his years in office. One reason was in part his perspicacity and his readiness to relinquish office to avoid confrontation with his enemies. The other reason, which is probably more important, was his relation with the maternal side of the<break>imperial family through his marriage to a member of the Chang 張 family. It appears that Wang飞 second wife was either a younger sister of Empress Chang or a daughter of Chang Ho-ling (q. v.). This special relationship must in some ways have contributed to the stability of his career.<break>Wang was also an accomplished scholar and bellerlettrist. Being an orthodox Confucianist, he favored the commentaries on the canon by the Han scholars, which he considered closer to the original, over the metaphysical speculations of the Sung neo-Confucianists. He wrote very little on the Classics, preferring to expound his views on concrete cases and in practical situations, especially during his presentation of lectures to the emperor. Some of his comments on the Four Books have been collected in the Ming wen-ch9ao 明 文鈔，compiled by Kao T'ang 高嶠(1786). His piece on human nature elicited the admiration of Wang Shou-jen (q. v.), who composed a biography of him in 1527. As a writer, Wang Ao was well known for his prose essays and miscellaneous jottings. He excelled also in poetry and calligraphy. A sample of the latter is reproduced in Shodd zenshu 書道全集，another in Tseng Yu-ho Ecke, Chinese Calligraphy.<break>Four out of six titles of Wang Ao's writings listed in the Ssu-k'u catalogue survive. His collected works, Chen-tse hsien-sheng chi (Chen-tse 震澤 being his style adopted from the ancient name of Lake Tai), 36 ch., was first printed in 1536, with a preface by Huo T'ao (q. v.). This was reprinted early in the 17th century under the title Wang Wen-k'o kung chi, by his great-grandson, Wang Yii-sheng禹聲(T.遵考，H.聞.[文]溪，cs 1589), who added three appendices entitled Ming-kung pi-chi 名公筆記，a random sampling of contemporary opinion on Wang Ao, Chilan-yin 鷗音，and Pai-she shih-ts'ao 白社詩草，1 c%. each, the last two being the poetry of Wang Yii-shen^ himself. Wang Ao's well-known miscellanies, Chen-tse cWang-yu 長語,2 c瓦,and Chen-tse chi-wen 紀聞(a slightly different version<break>WANG Ao<break>[1346]<break>entitled Shou-ch'i 守溪 pi-chi in some collectanea), 1 ch., are collections of notes on the institutions, political events, and personalities in Ming times. They include interesting information on topics such as the compilation of the veritable records, the government organizations of the middle-Ming period, the education of palace attendants, the vaults for the preservation of gold in the palace, the career of Liu Chin, and the special mission sent to Champa in 1441, with an excerpt from the diary of the envoy (see Wu Hui). These two titles were later incorporated in the Chen-tse hsien-sheng pieh-chi 別集,6 ts'e, edited by Wang Yii-sheng, together with Hsu 續 Chen-tse chi-we〃，a supplement to the previous title by Wang Ao, and Ying-shih chi-lileh 郢事紀略, an account written by Wang Yii-sheng on the Wuchang uprising of April, 1601, against the alleged atrocity of the notorious tax-collector Ch'en Feng (q. ».). A late Wan-li edition of this work, which is rare, is in the Naikaku Bunko. A short story by Wang Ao entitled Lii-mu chuan |蠡母偸 is included in Hsiang-yen 香艷 ts'ung-shu (1909-11 ed.), volume 9.<break>In addition, Wang edited two important local gazetteers. The first, Ku-su chih 姑蘇志，6° ch., which he compiled from the draft of Wu K'uan (q. v.), was the most comprehensive gazetteer of the Soo-chow prefecture in Ming times. It has a pref ace of 1506 and was reprinted in Taipei (1965) in two volumes. The other, Chen-tse pien 編，8 ch., is about the history and geography of the Lake T'ai region. It contains two parts; the first, dealing with the island Hsi 西 Tung-fing shan, the work of Ts'ai Sheng 蔡昇(T.景東)of early Ming； the other, concerning Tung Tung-fing, was Wang's own contribution. The original edition, with a preface of 1505 by Yang Hsiin-chi (q.v.), is available on microfilm.<break>Wang had four sons; one son by his second wife, and three sons by a later marriage. The eldest, Wang Yen-Che 延詰 (T.子貞，1483-1541), was brought up in Peking and apparently learned from mem-<break>bers of his mother's family how to use influence in acquiring properties and gaining advantages in trade, for about 1502 he returned to Soochow and in a few years became one of the wealthiest men in the empire. It is said that he built a large house in the western suburbs of Soochow where in the front part he kept musicians and actors and in the rear beautiful women. It is said that he later tired of his excesses and decided to conform to the rules of society. Through favors granted his father he became a student in the National University, then a drafter, and later a deputy chief justice in the Grand Court of Revision. In 1527 he published a reproduction of a Sung edition of the Shih-chi 史記. It took two years to engrave and became a treasured item among bibliophiles.<break>The other three sons were Wang Yen-su 素(T.子儀，H.雲屋，1492-項62), magistrate of Ssu-nan 思南，Kweichow; Wang Yen-ling 陵(T.子永，H.少溪)，and Wang Yen-chao 昭.His eldest daughter, Wang I 儀(1476-1517), the only child by his first wife, nee Wu 吳，married Hsii Chin 徐縉(T.子容，H.崎西，1479-1545, cs 1505), an assistant minister of Personnel.
WU Hui吳惠(T.孟仁，H.天樂翁)，1400-July 29, 1468, envoy to Champa in 1441, was born into a peasant family in a village south of Soochow. Owing to the recognition and encouragement of the magistrate, Wu was admitted to the district school. He then became a ch立-jen in 1426 and achieved the chin-shih a year later— the first from his village to acquire such a high honor. His initial appointment was as messenger and he was to become a dedicated, outspoken official.<break>On July 29, 1441, Wu and Shu Ting 舒瞳(cs 1433), the supervising secretary of the messenger office, were appointed special envoys to Champa to invest the regent as the legal successor. The appointments followed the arrival in June of the messenger of Prince Mo-ho-pen-kai 摩訶 賁該(Mahl Vijaya, r. 1441-46), a member of the royal family, who informed the court of the death of King Chan-pa-ti-lai 占巴的賴(Champadhiraja, also known as Jaya-Simhavarman V, r. 1400-41). The messenger then reported that the officers surrounding the late king飞 nephew, Maha Qui-lai 貴來(r. 1446-49), an infant who<break>WU Hui<break>[1486]<break>was the legal claimant to the throne, agreed to his abdication in favor of the prince who begged to receive the investiture as king of Champa. The court approved and subsequently dispatched the mission.<break>Accordingly Wu and his partner embarked from Tung-kuan 東莞，Kwangtung, on February 3, 1442, arriving in Champa on the 9th, and left the country on June 13 upon the completion of their assignment. After seven days at sea, when the party reached Ch'i-chou yang 七洲洋 off Hainan Island, the ship was caught in a storm and almost capsized. The crew was frightened, but Wu maintained his composure. As the story has it, Wu wrote a poem and dropped it into the sea as an offer of sacrifice to the goddess of Heaven; a few hours later, the wind subsided and they proceeded on their way, sighting the coast of Kwangtung on the 22d. We owe this precise information to an excerpt from Wu's diary which is fortunately preserved in the Chen-tse chi-wen by Wang Ao 王整（q・v.）・ In addition to a day-by-day record of the voyage, Wu left a vivid description of his visit to the royal palace, the investiture ceremony, and the customs of the inhabitants. One which he noted, among other interesting items, was the observation of the shang-yiian （上元） festival on the fifteenth day of the first moon in the lunar calendar （February 25, 1442）. This is one of the few surviving eyewitness accounts by a Chinese envoy of his mission to a foreign country since the flurry of diplomatic intercourse in the days of Cheng Ho and Ch'en Ch，eng （皿. y.）.<break>On his way back, Wu passed through Wei-hui 衞輝 prefecture, Honan. He found the assessments on land, once cultivated by migrants but now abandoned, to be higher than necessary. At his suggestion the rate of taxation was appropriately reduced. He also found the prefecture to be overburdened by the demands of foreign envoys from western regions en route to Peking. The court, recognizing the<break>correctness of his views, reinforced the regulation limiting the retinue allowed each envy at the Shensi frontier before they were permitted to enter the country.<break>Having observed the mourning period for his father, who died shortly after his return, Wu was promoted to be the prefect of Kweilin, Kwangsi, a position which he held for ten years （ca. 1447-ca. 1457）； Kweilin was an under-developed prefecture and the scene of frequent revolts of tribes-people. There was, moreover, the custom of settling disputes by dueling with swords or knives; numerous judicial cases also awaited attention. Wu promptly dismissed the cases, freeing all the prisoners involved, and concurrently banning the custom of dueling. Late in 1451, the Tung 侗 tribes of I-ning 義寧，in collusion with the Miao 苗 tribesmen in southern Hukuang, seemed on the verge of rebellion. The authorities contemplated the use of force, but Wu convinced them to try persuasion. It is said that Wu went to 4he rebels, camp in person, accompanied by only a score of guards, and succeeded in inducing the chieftain to renounce the plans to revolt.<break>Meanwhile, another band of rebels from Wu-kang 武岡-chou, Hukuang, crossed the border and seemed on the point of inciting the Tung people to join them. Wu again ventured into the chieftain's presence and secured his pledge of allegiance. The rebels were thus foiled in their attempt. Late in 1452, however, he received a reprimand from the ministry of War for his defense of Wu I 武毅，the assistant commander-in-chief of Kwangsi, who, having been posted there since 1446, had recently been demoted for his failure to pacify the rebels. In his memorial, Wu Hui pointed out Wu Fs meritorious performance and the adverse conditions under which he executed his duties, but the authorities branded Wu Hui as a member of the generaFs clique and dismissed his plea. His testimony, nevertheless, seems to have produced the desired effect, for two months later the commander was<break>[1487]<break>WU Klan<break>restored to his former title. Wu Hui was apparently quite successful in his administration, for reports have it that during his decade in office Kweilin enjoyed considerable peace. Among his achievements he received credit for the reprinting, in 1450, of the local gazetteer, Kwei-lin chiin chih 郡志，32 c%., compiled by Ch'en Lien 陳龍(T・廷器,H.琴軒，1370-1454), during the Hsiian-te period. It is said that, when the officials of the ministry of Personnel evaluated the record of the prefects of the nation, they were so pleased with Wu's performance that they ranked him at the top. His service, unhappily, was terminated by the death of his wife.<break>Following his term as prefect, Wu should have been promoted to grade 3A, but as there was no vacancy, he was appointed to a 3B post and given a 3A stipend. This post, assumed in January, 1458, was the office of administration vice commissioner of Kwangtung. While he was so employed, the bandits of Kwangsi, roaming across the border, constantly made depredations on the northwestern region of Kwangtung. In October, 1460, one band attacked Kwang-chou 廣州-fu (Canton), but Wu had been on the alert and successfully repelled it with the assistance of the local defense corps. It is not certain how long he remained in Kwangtung, but he is said to have asked permission to retire after a few years in office.<break>Wu was a man of both courage and determination, and reportedly also a generous friend, one who would not hesitate to share his means with his needy clansmen without distinction. Wu left a few poems which are preserved in the Ming-shih chi-shih 明詩紀事 by Ch'en T4en (see T*ien Ju-ch^ng). Two pieces deserve attention. One is the poem which he composed as an offer of sacrifice to the goddess of Heaven mentioned above; the other describes his encounter with the Kwangsi tribesmen. Besides being a poet, he apparently achieved some success as a calligrapher.
YANG Chi楊基(T.孟載，H.眉菴，鹿場 居士)，" i334-ca. 1383, poet, minor painter, and official, was born into a family which hailed from Szechwan, later settling in Soochow, then known as P'ing-chiang 平江，where his grandfather had been an official in the Yuan government. Yang's birth date is not to be found in any document. Although there are several of his undated poems which give his age as forty, and one of them even mentions his grandmother as ninety years of age at the time he was forty, it is difficult to fix the year in which they were written. Since the date of his dismissal from his post in Kiangsi has been established as in the spring of 1373, a study of the context of these undated poems enables us to fix them in that year. Thus his birth occurred probably in 1334, as shown by the author in a recent article cited below.<break>Yang Chi was said to be a child prodigy. As a boy of nine, he was reportedly able to recite the Six Classics in<break>YANG Chi<break>[1502]<break>their entirety. When barely twenty, he wrote a book of history of more than a hundred thousand characters, entitled Lun・ chien 論鑒.His early talent in poetry is revealed in a famous anecdote told in connection with Yang Wei-chen (q.v.), the popular poet of that period whose hao was T'ieh-ti-tzu 鐵笛子 because he owned an iron flute. Once when Yang Wei-chen was on a visit to Soochow, it fell to Yang Chi to write a poem on the subject of the flute. In response, he composed one in Yang Wei・chen's own style. Yang Wei-chen, surprised at its excellence, announced to everybody that the youth was superior to himself in the art of poetry. Subsequently, Yang Chi came to be called Hsiao-Yang 小楊(Yang junior) to distinguish him from Yang Wei-chen who was known as Lao老-Yang (Yang senior) in literary circles of the day. He was also regarded as one of the uFour outstanding figures of Soochow,” which included Kao Ch'i, Hsii Pen, and Chang Yii (qq.v.).<break>In spite of his literary talent, Yang Chi failed in the examinations and was obliged to make a living in a village in Ch'ih-shan 赤山 teaching school. After the rebel leader Chang Shih-ch^ng (q.v.) occupied Soochow and it became the capital of his territory, Yang served for some time as secretary in Chang's government, and was later under the patronage of the influential and cultured Jao Chieh (see Hsii Pen), to whom he dedicated a number of poems.<break>From 1366 onward, Chang's territory suffered encroachment by the armies of Chu Yiian-chang, Soochow being taken after ten months of resistance in 1367. This led to the execution of Jao Chieh and the banishment of a large part of the population of the city. The members of Yang Chi's family, about twenty in number, were among those affected. Yang Chi himself and some of his friends were sent to Hao-liang 濠梁，the present Feng-yang 鳳陽(Anhwei). There Yang Chi and Hsii Pen shared a rustic house which Yang named Meng-lii-hsuan 夢綠軒，be-<break>cause once Hsii dreamed of the verdure to the south of the Yangtze. In the autumn of 1368, Yang Chi was forced to go to Ta-liang 大梁，present day Kaifeng in Honan. His long poem composed there under the title uLiang-yuan yin-chiu ko” 梁園飮酒歌 was to a certain extent an autobiographical sketch of his life to that point. Besides a lament over his own misfortunes, it reveals also the unhappy condition of the people after the war.<break>Following his release early in 1369, Yang Chi was appointed magistrate of the district Ying-yang 滎陽 in Honan, but by the end of the year he gave up the assignment and went to the capital (Nanking), where he made his home for the next two years, without any position. Although in poor circumstances, he frequently took trips to surrounding regions such as Chii-jung 句容.At the beginning of 1372 he proceeded to Nanchang as an auxiliary official in the Kiangsi provincial government. On being implicated in the case of his superior, he was dismissed from his post in the following spring. (This chronology is based on his dated poems; Ch'ien Ch'ien・i [ECCP], who dates his dismissal before 1371, seems to be in error.) He returned to Nanking, but by the autumn was given another mission, and sent to Hunan and Kwangsi.<break>Following his return to the capital, Yang Chi served for some time as vice director of a bureau in the ministry of War. In July, 1374, he was appointed a surveillance vice commissioner of Shansi, eventually receiving a promotion to surveillance commissioner. Some time later he suffered false accusations, was dismissed, and condemned to hard labor. This punishment led to his death in Nanking. Since there are the poems of Chang Yii deploring his demise, and Chang Yii himself died in 1385, this must have happened not long before 1385.<break>Yang Chi's poetic work entitled Mei-an chi 眉菴集，12 ch., +1 ch., was edited by Chang Hsi (see Hsii Pen) in 1485. Although there are the editor's notes appended<break>[1503]<break>YANG Chi-sheng<break>to difTerent groups of poems to designate their place of composition, some of the notes are not always reliably attributed; a study of the context of these poems shows that they were written while Yang Chi was staying elsewhere.<break>Only one of Yang ChTs paintings has been recorded in older catalogues. As to the MChiang-shan wo-yu t'u” 江山卧遊圖, ascribed to him, reproduced in the I-yuan i-chen 藝苑遺珍，it is obviously a fake because seven characters"庚子七十四老人” are prefixed before his name.
"YUAN Chih 袁奏(T.永之,H.胥臺)，November 25, 1502-June 29, 1547, scholar, was born into a wealthy family of Soochow. The youngest of four brothers, all known as excellent writers, he was the only one to succeed in the civil examinations, becoming a chin-shih in 1526. He passed fourth on the list and was among the twenty selected to be bachelors in the Hanlin Academy. In November, 1527, the emperor ordered a reexamination of the Hanlin academicians. As a result, Yiian Chih, one of the twenty-two to receive new assignments, was sent to the ministry of Justice as a secretary. In September, 1528, he went to Honan as co-director of the provincial examination. One of the candidates he passed was the future powerful minister Kao Kung (see Chang Chu-cheng).<break>In 1531, while serving as a secretary in the bureau of personnel of the ministry of War, Yiian Chih was held responsible for a fire that destroyed the building housing the bureau, and received a sen-<break>tence of banishment to the Hu-chbu 湖州 Guard as a common soldier. This seems to have been a rather unusual punishment, for the Guard was situated only forty miles from his native place. In any case he was pardoned in 1533 and seven years later was reinstated as a secretary in the Nanking ministry of War. In 1543 he served a term as assistant surveillance commissioner of Kwangsi in charge of education, and then retired. About this time he wrote a work on political economy consisting of twenty essays, each on certain practices in the Ming government which he thought should be changed. The book entitled S恥力・wei 世緯，2 ch., was almost lost to sight (it was not even listed in the bibliographical section of the Ming-shih) until a copy (perhaps the only one then extant) turned up in the 1770s and was included in the Imperial Library. In 1787 a clansman (Yiian T^ng-fao, ECCP, p. 417) made a special request to the Ssu-k'u commission to have a copy made for the Yuan family library. It was later printed in the 15th series of the Chih-pu^ tsu-chai ts'ung-shu (see Pao T'ing-po, EC CP)・<break>Among other works by Yiian Chih may be mentioned the Huang Ming hsien-shih 皇明獻實，40 c%., consisting of 180 biographies of Ming personages. A manuscript copy of this work is preserved in the National Central Library, Taipei. He is known to have written a number of biographies of famous men of Soochow. A collection of his writings, Yuan Yung-chih chi 永之集，20 ch., was printed about the time he died. It was reprinted in 1584 under the title Hsu-fdi hsien-sheng 胥臺先 生 chi, a copy of which is in the Library of Congress. He was also an accomplished calligrapher, as evidenced by the xylograph-ically reproduced preface in his handwriting to the collection of correspondence entitled Sheng-cKeng-chi 聲承籍，edited by Chao Han 趙漢(T.鴻逵，H.漸齋，b. 1488, cs 1511). The preface was written in 1546, a year before Yiian died.<break>Yuan Chih had a son, Yuan Tsun-ni<break>[1627]	YUAN Chih<break>尊尼(T 魯望，1523-74, cj 1543, cs 1565), who rose in March, 1572，to be surveillance vice commissioner of Shantung in charge of education. It is said that he owed his promotion to his father’s student Kao Kung. When Kao was no longer in power, this relationship became a liability to Yiian Tsun-ni. So, as the story goes, he tendered his resignation late in 1573 when he learned that the Shantung governor, Fu Hsi-chih (see P ’an Chi-hsiin), was about to make an unfavorable report about him. He left a collection entitled Yiian Lu-wang chi 魯望集，12 ch., printed ca. 1575. A descendant, Yuan Pao-huang 寶璜(T.珍夏,丘.渭漁，1846-96, cs 1892), was the author of a bibliography of writings of the Yiian family, entitled Yuan-shih i-wen chin-shih lu 藝文金石錄，2 ch.<break>As to Yuan Chih’s brothers, each of the three purchased the rank of a student of the National University. The eldest, Yiian Piao 表(T.邦正，H.陶齋)，also purchased the rank of a police officer and served in that capacity successively in Peking (1531-33) and Nanking (1533-39).Later he rose to the post of assistant prefect of Lin-chiang 臨江，Kiangsi (1540). He is often confused with his contemporary of the same name, the Yiian Piao (T .景從，cj 1558) of Fukien, and thus erroneously credited with the latter’s anthology of twelve Fukien poets. The second, Yiian Chiung (分.v.)，and the third, Yiian Pao褒(T.與之,・H.鏡機子，卧雪, 1499-1576)，were both noted bibliophiles. Yiian ' Pao’s son, Yuan Nien 年(T.子壽， H・德門「1539-1617,」cs 1577), served as . prefect of Ch’ing-chou 靑知|，Shantung (1587-91)，intendant of western Kiangsi (1591-95), intendant of southern Yunnan (1595-98), and surveillance commissioner of Shensi. A grandson of Yiian Nien was the noted writer of musical drama, Yiian Yu-ling-于令(T.令昭，H.梟公，蘀庵，1592-1674).<break>Two cousins of Yiian Chih achieved some fame as poets, namely, Yiian Kun 袞(T・補之，H 虛谷,cj 1528, cs 1538)， who rose to be deputy director of a<break>bureau in the ministry of Rites, and Yuan Ch’iu 裘(T.紹之，H.志已).About 1680 the Ch’ing scholar, Wang Wan (ECCP), whose wife was a descendant of Yuan Chih, wrote biographical sketches of the six Yiian cousins, collected under the title Yiian-shih liu-cMn hsiao-chuan<break>Yiian Chih also had five sisters, the youngest of whom married a fellow townsman, Wu Hsiao-kuang 伍 孝 光 (also known as Wu ChL’ing-chung 卿忠，fi. 158589, son of Wu Yii-fu 餘福，T.君求，H.寒 泉，cs 1517). For a time her husband was involved in a lawsuit and imprisoned. Probably because of this she had her son brought up as a member of her own family, passing under the name of Yuan Ts’ui 袁萃 until he became a chin-shih in 1580, when he officially changed his name to Wu Yiian-ts’ui (T.聖起，H.寧方，fi.」 1550-1608). He served as magistrate of Kuei-hsi 貴溪，Kiangsi {ca. 1580-86)， as secretary, then associate bureau director, in the ministry of War {ca. 1591-95)，as intendant of the Hangchow circuit, and later as director of education of Chekiang (December, 1595-June, 1598), as assistant administration commissioner of Hukuang(1598-ca. 1600)，and as intendant of the Hai-pei circuit(匕道)，Kwangtung (1604-6). He is best known for his four collections of miscellaneous notes, Lin-chii man-lu 林居漫錄，ch'ien-chi 前集，6 ch., pieh 別 chi, 9 ch., ch’i 畸 chi, 5 ch” and to 多 chi, 6 ch” all published between 1606 and 1608. His caustic comments on government policies, sharp critiques on current affairs, and relentless exposition of the wrongdoings of some of his contemporaries read as though written in modern journalistic style."
YUAN Chiung袁發(T.尙之，H.謝湖，懶 生，感亭)，October 18, 1495-July 25, 1560, bibliophile, was the second of four brothers in a wealthy Soochow family, the best known of whom was the youngest Yiian Chih Q.v.).<break>Yuan Chiung took the provincial examination perhaps eight or ten times without success and ended up with the rank of a student in the National University, obtained by purchase. As a book collector and publisher, however, he should be regarded as one of the foremost in the Ming dynasty. Book collecting in his family began in the middle of the 15th century, apparently after his ancestors, like other prominent families of that area, had become affluent. His own library, named Chia-ch'ii-t'ang 嘉趣堂，appears in the imprint of most of his publications.<break>About 1534 Yuan began to publish some of the treasures in his collection, as well as the current writings of his friends, in a series entitled Chin-sheng yu-chen chi 金聲玉振集，one of the earliest ts'ung-shu ever printed. It was obviously planned as a series, as evidenced by the positioning of the serial title and by a class designation under the title of each work. Another innovation, the notation of chia-pu 甲 部(group one), appears only once and was then abandoned for reasons unknown. There are also mistakes due to indifferent proofreading, as in the case of the biographical work, Kuo-pao hsin-pien 國寶新編， printed in 1536 as soon as its author, Ku Lin 顧璘(T.華玉，H.東橋，cs 1496, 1476-1545), had completed it; the work has two prefaces, one by the author and the other by Yuan Chih, but the engraver carelessly transposed the signatures. In spite of such errors, the Chin-sheng yii-chen chi still ranks among the most important serial publications in the Ming period; this is chiefly because more than forty of its<break>fifty-five titles are treatises on history and geography, some being printed for the first time. It started a trend in such publications as the Chi-lu hui-pien (see Shen Chieh-fu), which helped to preserve some important sources on Ming history.<break>Yuan Chiung added to the series from time to time accounts of current events. In 1550 he printed four works dealing with the transportation of tribute grain from south China by the sea route. This was then a timely issue as the Yellow River frequently, with its load of silt deposited in the channel, blocked the passage of boats on the Grand Canal. In 1538 the surveillance vice commissioner of Shantung, Wang Hsien (see Wang Chiu-ssu), had made a start on the opening of a new canal, called Chiao-lai 膠萊河，to cut across the Shantung peninsula in order to shorten the sea route; he was forced to leave, however, when the project was still in its initial stage. Soon after Yiian's publication of these four books, several officials recommended a resumption of the work on this canal. In October, 1554, a censor, Ho T'ing-yii 何廷鈺(T・潤夫， H：熙泉，cs 1550), received imperial sanction to conduct a survey of the terrain. The survey came to an inconclusive end, but a member of his staff, Ts'ui Tan 崔旦 (T. 伯東)，wrote an enthusiastic memoir on the feasibility and advantages of such a canal, entitled Hai yun pien 海運編，2 ch. This memoir, published by Yuan directly after its completion late in 1554, seems to have been an attempt to influence a decision on the matter. In this sense, Yiian's serial publication served as a political tract of the day. This is even more evident in the case of the three articles on the pirates, namely, the Hai-k'ou-i by Wan Piao (q.v.), the Hai-k'ou hou-pien, with a colophon in Yiian's name dated early in 1560, and the Hai-k'ou hou-pien hsia 下 by Mao K'un (q.v.), with the colophon also in Yiian's name but dated in 1565. All three works and the two colophons have since been referred to as fundamental sources on the pirates<break>[1629]<break>YUAN Chung・ch，e<break>of that period. It was in the course of writing this biography that Yiian's dates of birth and death were located in the genealogy of his family,where the records indicate that he died in July, 15^0. It follows that the colophon to Mao飞 work must be regarded as a forgery (see Mao K'un). Apparently after Yiian's death and the transfer of the printing blocks to a new owner, the serial continued for some time to be published as if it were still under his editorship.<break>In the series is another work printed in 1550 under Yiian's own name as compiler. This is the Feng-fien hsing-shang /〃 奉天刑賞錄 on the rewards and punishments ordered by Chu Ti (q.v.) after his usurpation in 1402. The compilation reveals the favoritism shown by the Yung-lo emperor to his partisans in sharp contrast to the sadistic punishments visited upon his opponents (not recorded in the official histories). Yuan Chiung assembled these records from various sources, especially the Jen-wu kung-cWen chueh-shang lu by Tu Mu (q.v.)・<break>Two Sung editions which Yiian reproduced in facsimile have been highly treasured by collectors. One is the Shih-shuo hsin-yu 世說新語,3 c%., of Liu I-ching (403-44), reproduced in 153 5 from the 1188 edition. The other is the six annota-tors, edition of the anthology Wen hsiian 文選，60 c%・，of Hsiao Tung (501-31), reproduced from a Sung printing. From Yuan's colophon one learns that the engraving took fifteen years, from 1534 to 1549, and was done by carefully selected xylographers. Two of the engravers even left their names, one in 1547 at the end of chuan 44 and the other a year later at the end of chuan 56. As soon as it was published in 1549, the book became a treasure. Some unscrupulous dealers, by deleting Yiian's imprints and in some cases substituting fake colophons or forged seals, passed the book off as an original Sung edition. The Imperial Library in the Ch'ing dynasty owned no fewer than ten copies of Yiian's 1549 edition, nine of<break>which revealed such tampering.<break>Yiian Chiung was also the publisher of three series of anecdotes, each consisting of forty titles in 40 chuan, known as Ssu-shih chia hsiao-shuo 四十家小說 differentiated by the prefixes ch'ien, hou, and kuang 廣.<break>As an artist Yiian is said to have excelled in depicting flora and birds. Lu Shih-hua (see Hsiang Sheng-mo) records a painting by Yuan entitled “Ch'ing-hsiang tz'u-ti t'u” 淸香次第圖.Its theme is the four stages of the plum flower—the bud, its opening, blooming, and wilting. Yuan was highly regarded for his poetry; very few of his poems, however, are extant.
"CH，IEN Kiu，錢榖(T.叔寶，H‧罄室)，1508-ca7. 1578，poet, editor, and painter, was a native of Ch’ang-chou 長洲，prefecture of Soochow. He owned a seal reading Wu-Yueh-wang i 吳越王裔，“descendant of the king of Wu-Yueh,,> i.e., Ch’ien Liu (852932). Orphaned while still a youth, he did not receive formal education until as an adult he became a pupil of Wen Cheng-ming (q.v.). Supposedly Ch’ien Ku<break>was introduced to Wen by the bibliophile Ch’ien T’ung-ai 同?愛(T.孔周，H .野夸， 1475-1549). Perhaps because he began his studies relatively late in life, Ch’ien Ku read omnivorously in the large library owned by the Wen family; eventually he became an avid book collector, devoting himself to copying and collating old texts. Several works are mentioned as ones he edited but the only one apparentl E y preserved is the WPuZ-tfuz w en-ts'uzi h2sii-ch2i吳都文 粹續集(56 +2 ch.)), a continution of the study of literary remains and topographical records of Soochow,	WVui-tu/ wuen-ts'u7i,	9)<break>ch., begun by Cheng Hu-ch’en 鄭虎臣(fl. 1275). Subsequently copied into the Imperial Library, it has been photographically reproduced. Since the work as it now exists is considerably smaller than the version described by Chu I-tsun (ECCP), it may well have been revised by Ch’ien Ku’s elder son, Ch’ien F u _ (T.允治，H ‘ 功文，少室)，who, in addition to being an artist, followed his father’s example in copying and editing old texts. Even in his old age Ch’ien Fu is said to have continued to work from dawn to dusk. He died childless when over eighty sfu/i and the family library was dispersed. A second son, Ch’ien Hsu 序	(T .次甫)，<break>also an artist, excelled in landscapes.<break>In his leisure time Ch’ien Ku practiced painting, being influenced by the style of Wen Cheng-ming, which was dominant in Soochow during the 16th century. Ch’ien Ku’s attitude toward painting is summed up in his statementI: “Painting is a fusion whereby an artist takes a spiritual model to revive the breath of heaven. In daubing the void between fineness and coarseness, I guide the brush only. Afterwards，if that which I have painted grasps the original concept, how can it be said to be arranged or planned?” The innumerable fan paintings, as well as those albums illustrating scenic spots along the routes of Ch’ien’s travels in the estuary of the Yangtze, are particularly notewort hy. Working within these relatively small formats, his experimentation with tiny, ratber decorative<break>[237]<break>CH’IEN Shih-sheng<break>textural areas and playfully executed architectural units, is more successful than in larger scrolls. In addition to his paintings in private collections, examples of Ch’ien’s work are in the National Palace Museum, Taipei； Palace Museum, Peking; Museum fiir Ostasiatische Kunst, Cologne; and Musee Guimet, Paris. His earliest dated painting mentioned in the records was executed in 1529.<break>Ch’ien Ku became so engrossed in his studies and painting that he completely neglected household matters. On one occasion Wen Cheng-ming is said to have visited Ch’ien’s ramshackle home and over the door he wrote the two characters Hsiian-ch’ing 懸罄 (empty jar). Whereupon Ch’ien replied with a smile, “My intention exactly.” His collection of poetry is known as Hsiian-cKing-shih shih 室詩. Although the date of Ch4en’s death is usually given as 1572, paintings dated as late as 1578 are recorded."
KAO Ch’i 高 ^(T .季廸，H .靑丘子，槎 軒)，1336-74, poet and official, was a native of Ch’ang-choix 長洲 in the prefecture then known as P’ing-chiang-lu 平 江路(Soocl^ow 蘇州府 since 1367). He traced his ancestry, though by what evidence is uncertain, to Kao Huan, actual founder (d. 547) and father of the first emperor of the Northern Ch’i dynasty (550-77). Little is known about his early youth except that the family was of scholarly background, possessed property, and still had both a home within the city and a farm of over a hundred mou (about 17 acres) on the Woo-sung 吳很 River, northeast of Ch’ang-chou. The young lad received a good education of the type intended to prepare one for the civil service, but it was an age of unrest and he probably never sat for any examinations. The prosperous and relatively stable area lying just south of the lower Yangtze River drew to it many uprooted officials, families of wealth, and men of literary talent at the end of the Yiian period. From his youth, early marked by unusual gifts, he kept the company of a circle of outstanding persons, many of whom became famous literary figures of his generation. The most prominent members of this circle, after Kao himself, were Hsii Pen (《.v.)，poet, painter, and official; Chang Yii and Yang Chi {qq. v.), both poets and officials; these four together were classed as the “four outstanding figures of Soochow.” Othe rintimates of this unusual circle of talents were the calligrapher Sung K’o (^. v.) and the monk Tao-yen,<break>better known to history as Yao Kuang-hsiao (q. v.), and a dozen or more other figures of similar caliber.<break>In 1353 Kao married a daughter of the wealthy Chou 周 family of Ch’ing-ch’iu 靑丘(Green Hill), a village some ten miles east of P’ing-chiang city. They had three daughters and one son; a daughter and the son died while very young.<break>P’ing-chiang city fell (1356) into the hands of Chang Shih-ch’eng (q.v.), military leader of a rebellion who made that city his base, and for a short time called it by a new name, Lung-p’ing-fu 隆平府• During more than ten years Chang alternately displayed imperial ambitions, and accepted enfeoffment from the rapidly disintegrating Yiian state. For a resident of an area held by a rebel leader in these decades一whether or not to accept a position with the rebellion, to fight it in the name of loyalty to the legitimate but declining Yiian court, or to remain in/ some way uncommitted was the pressing question, although complete freedom to select among these alternatives did not always exist. The discredited Yuan dynasty clearly had no future, but the demands of loyalty to it still existed, reinforced by Confucian morality. Service to one of the rising leaders of rebellions was much more attractive, if one could be sure which rebel leader would gain the Mandate of Heaven. It was able and ambitious young men of Kao’s generation who felt the dilemma most keenly, and who most actively sought solutions that would utilize their talents. Some of Kao’s friends accepted service under Chang Shih-ch’eng, r and Kao was under great pressure to do the same, but he hesitated. For a time he was engaged as a tutor to the sons of one of Chang’s officials. In 1358 he withdrew completely from the scene of politics to take up residence at his wife’s home village, Ch’ing-ch’iu, and wrote a long poem called “Ch’ing-ch’iu-tzu ko” 歌(The song of the man of the Green hill), describing himself as one who scorned the world and<break>[697]<break>KAO Ch i<break>wanted only to be a recluse. Despite the conscious incongruity of this self-identi-fication, or perhaps because of it, he was known from that time onward by the sobriquet, Ch'ing・ch'iu・tzu. Pressures to join Chang Shih-ch'eng's government were still strong, and perhaps to escape them more effectively, or perhaps to find another cause with still greater promise to serve, he spent the years from late in 1358 to 1360 traveling in the area around Hangchow and farther south, which had fallen to Chang's control since the autumn of 1358. While there is little information on his activities in this period other than that provided by a series of travel poems, it may be assumed that the purpose of his journey was to seek involvement in the great enterprise of the time, and not merely to avoid direct connection with Chang's inadequate part in the enterprise of creating a new dynastic order. Although a literary man, Kao also cultivated the values and the skills of the yu-hsia 遊俠 (knight errant); among his associates were swordsmen, military strategists, and others of heroic mold. But he apparently found no outlet for these abilities, and he returned home. Chang at that time had abandoned his open rebellion to accept appointment as regional overlord from the Mongol court. This temporary “legitimacy" of Chang's movement made it even harder to escape involvement. Kao again managed to refuse office, but he had close personal connections with many who had accepted. In 1362 he took up residence on the bank of the Lou River 婁江，just east of the city and devoted himself assiduously to poetry and to the company of his friends, in a mood of increasing pessimism about the course of events. In 1363 Chang Shih-ch'eng again broke with the Yuan court, proclaimed himself prince of Wu, and announced dynastic pretensions, now in open rivalry with Chu Yiian-chang, founder of the Ming dynasty. Seeking detachment from the political and military currents, Kao continued to live in the country until 1365, at which time the<break>armies of Chu began to menace the area about P'ing-chiang. Kao moved back into the city for safety, and after the middle of 1366 was unable to leave even briefly because of the military situation. In that winter the city came under direct siege which continued for the better part of a year, with attendant suffering for the trapped population. Kao's second daughter died, perhaps as a consequence of the hardships. On October 1, 1367, the city collapsed; Chang Shih-ch'eng and his principal associates were captured and later most of them were executed. His former subjects then settled down to uneasy acceptance of the overlordship of Chu who changed the name of P'ing-chiang to Su-chou (Soochow) and who, a few months after this, was enthroned as the first emperor of the new Ming dynasty.<break>Kao's joy on having survived the siege of Soochow, like that of most of the city's residents, was tempered by apprehension over reprisals the Ming court might take against the population of the region, supposedly still sympathetic to the memory of Chang Shih-ch'eng. Kao's elder brother, his only close relative, most of his wife's relatives, and many of his former literary friends were banished, or had fled and were in hiding. Kao again took up the life of a poet-recluse on the bank of the Lou River, working on editing and revising his poems, presumably to remove incriminating references that might be used against him, as well as to improve their literary quality. Although only thirty-two years of age, his reputation as a poet and scholar was quite widespread, and probably was the reason for his being invited to go to Chu's capital around February, 1369, to accept appointment as one of the sixteen historian-officials assigned to write the official history of the Yuan dynasty, the Yuan-shih. Kao's early ambition to serve in high office was apparently thwarted by Chang Shih・ch'eng's emergence as the dominant political figure in the area in which he lived; now unexpectedly he found another opportunity. He served with<break>KAO Ch i<break>[698]<break>the Historical Commission in Nanking throughout the period of its work, from February to mid-September, 1369, an extraordinarily short time in which to accomplish so large a task. [Editors* note： Kao's contribution to the Yiian-shih seems to include the treatise on the calendar and the biographies of women, for there are prefaces to these sections in his collected prose writings.] The inordinate haste is evident in the quality of the work; it was submitted in incomplete form, and the commission disbanded. A second commission was formed the following year; it spent several months adding the history of the last Mongol reign and otherwise filling out the work. As historical scholarship the product must have been unsatisfactory to men like Kao, but the activity brought other rewards. The commission was headed by the eminent literatus Sung Lien (q. v.), and included other leading figures with whom Kao formed close friendships. It gave the poet an opportunity to become immersed in the vigorous intellectual life of the capital at the time of the dynasty's rapid and complete success in achieving reunification of the Chinese world. The members of the Historical Commission were released from their assignments with rewards and high honors, and offered important posts in the civil service. Kao was retained in a Hanlin assignment without specific office for another year, until mid-summer of 1370, when he was summoned into imperial audience and offered a vice presidency of the ministry of Revenue, a very high post considering his youth and lack of civil service background. He declined, excusing himself on the grounds of youth and inexperience, and begged to be allowed to retire from government service. It is apparent from the poems of that time that he had come to find the life of a courtier onerous, and perhaps he was apprehensive about serving under an emperor who was already showing signs of the violent and cruel temper that increasingly marked his long reign. Kao's request<break>to resign granted, he returned to Soochow in the early autumn of 1370, again to live quietly as a poet and semi-recluse.<break>Four years later (1374) at the age of only thirty-eight, Kao was put to death on a charge of treason. Along with a fellow Soochow poet-scholar and former member of the Yuan Historical Commission, Wang Wei (q.y.), he was named an accomplice of Wei Kuan 魏觀 (T.杞山， or 起山)，the prefect of Soochow, in a plot to reestablish there an independent power base utilizing remnants of Chang Shih-ch'eng's rebellious movement. The three were sent to the capital and summarily executed. The charge against Wei was that in rebuilding the offices of local government he had inappropriately selected the site of Chang's former palace; Kao and Wang had commemorated the act in literary pieces having seditious import. Although the charge sounds farfetched, it could well have been designed to intimidate resentful anti-Ming elements in Soochow. Wei, however, was a scholar of irreproachable integrity who had served the rising Ming cause with considerable distinction, and within a month after his execution the emperor exonerated him and had him publicly rehabilitated. By implication, Kao and Wang were also exonerated, but this was never made explicit, and their names remained under a shadow. The whole case defies precise explanation. The informal writings of subsequent generations are filled with fanciful attempts to link Kao's poetry with lese majeste, making his execution appear as the emperor's devious revenge. The principal objection to such theories is that the Ming emperor』 was under no necessity to be devious, and his usual manner was crudely direct. But it is not unreasonable to imagine that he could have been suspicious of a man like Kao, a self-proclaimed “knight errant" in his youth, an associate of plotters and strategists and experts on military affairs, a man having many links with the hated Chang Shih-ch'eng, and a man too proud to serve the new Ming dynasty. The true<break>[699]<break>KAO Ming<break>political significance of Kao's execution may have been simply that the emperor wished to intimidate potential dissidents.<break>Regardless of its political significance, Kao's death was a distinct loss to Ming literature. He is often ranked as the great poetic talent of his age, and had already achieved such recognition within his brief lifetime, although later critics have also felt that his powers had not reached their full development, and a mature style had not yet emerged. Most of his poetry is in the genres that reached the peak of their development in the T'ang, i.e. the lii-shih 律詩 (regulated poetry) and the (ku-shih 舌詩(ancient poetry), although he also wrote some lyrics (tz'u 詞 and ch'ii 曲)on Sung and Yuan models. He was famous for his ability to recreate the personal styles of the great T'ang poets, but at its best his work is highly individual in manner and marked by the force of his own thought and personality. In 1362 Kao prepared a collection of his own poems, calling it Lou-chiang yin-kao 婁江吟稿. A second collection called Fou-ming chi 缶鳴集，containing 732 poems dating from the period 1358 to 1367, was prepared in the latter year. After returning home in 1370 he enlarged the Fou-ming chi to 12 chuan, and included 937 poems. At the same time he developed an interest in local antiquities, and early in 1372 he completed the editing of a collection of 123 of his own antiquarian poems about the Soochow region, called Kusu tsa^yung 姑蘇雜詠，which was printed in 1398. At least three copies from the printing blocks for this edition are known to be extant. In 1403 his nephew, Chou Li 周立，compiled and edited a more comprehensive collection of his poetical works, entitled CKing-cKiu Kao Chi-ti hsien-sheng shih chi 先生詩集，often referred to as Ch'ing-ch'iu shih c〃i. There also exists a brief collection of tz'u lyrics called K'ou-hsiian chi 叩舷集，1 M” and a collection of prose writings under the title Fu-tsao chi 鳧藻集, 5 c瓦，both printed in 1445 with a preface by Chou Ch”n 忱(see Chang Hung 洪).<break>In 1450 there appeared another edition of Kao's collected poems, entitled Kao fai~ shih ta-cKuan chi 高太史大全集，18 M., a copy of which, together with an original edition of the Fu-tsao chi, is reproduced in the Ssu-pu ts'ung-k'an. The eighteenth-century scholar, Chin T'an 金檀(T.星胴) of T'ung・hsiang, Chekiang, prepared an excellent critical and annotated edition of the poetical works in 20 chiian, and included a nien-pyu 年譜 and other supplementary material under the title Ch'ing-cKiu shih-chi chu 注；this is included in the Ssu-pu pei-yao. There are several other Ming and Ch'ing editions of the poefs writings; several printings of his works were also made in Tokugawa and Meiji Japan, where he was quite popular. [Editors* note： It is an interesting coincidence that in 1962 there appeared two works on Kao Ch'i, both containing numerous translations of his poems; one in English by F. W. Mote entitled The Poet Kao C"i and the other in Japanese by Iritani Sensuke 入谷仙介，under the title Kokei 高啓 which is No. 10 of the second series of Chugoku shifin senshu 中國詩人選 集]
P’ENG Nieein 彭年(T.孔嘉，H.隆池)， 1505-66, poet and calligrapher, was a native of Ch’ang-chou 長洲(Soochow). His family, registered iii the military category, came from Ch’ing-chiang 淸江, Kiangsi, but later settled in the Soochow area. His father, P’eng Fang 防 (T .寅之，cs 1511), served (1520-21) as magistrate of Hsin-hui 新會，Kwangtung, but because, according to report, he never flattered superiors, he held office for only a few months. The family was not rich, but had sufficient means to permit P’eng Nien, a<break>ycuth of unusual aptitude, to spend his time in extensive reading and study; it is said, however, that he disliked writing pa-ku essays in preparation for the civil service examinations. He wrote other kinds of essays with rapidity, however, these often running into thousands of characters. Thanks to the support of the prefect of Soochow, Wang T’ing 王廷(T. 子IF H.南岷,cs 1532)，who recommended him as a subsidized hsiu-ts，ai (lin-sheng _ 生) to sit for the chii-jen examination, P’eng Nien was able to journey to Nanking. He enjoyed the excursion but took no part in the tests. After his return to Soochow, he declined to accept the hsiu-ts’ai subsidy. He spent all his time studying arts and literature under Wen Cheng-ming For years he labored to acquire his teacher’s competence. Although of limited resources, he never solicited any gift from a person who was not his friend in literature or in art. He had a wide circle of acquaintances, which included a number of the prominent people of the day, and was fond of drinking and sojourning in the beautiful hills of Soochow. One son and one daughter survived him, the latter becoming the wife of Wen Fei 緋，a grandson of Wen Cheng-ming.<break>A story is told that P’eng Nien usually enjoyed good health. As years went on and it declined, he ordered the members of his family to prepare for his funeral. On the last day he asked them to ignite one stick of incense. As the incense was about<break>to be consumed, he requested another stick. When this had burned to the halfway point, he said: “This is as it should be,” and peacefully breathed his last.<break>His poetry follows the style of Tu Fu (712-70) and Po Chii-i (772-846). In calligraphy he imitated Yen Chen-ch，ing (709-85), Ou-yang Hsiin (557-641)，and Su Shih (1037-1101). According to Wang Shih-chen (分.v.)， P’eng’s small characters were his best. Chu I-tsun (ECCP) later remarked: “P’eng Nien’s poetry is quite inferior to that of Wen Cheng-ming. His<break>P'ENG Shao<break>[1118]<break>fine personality and noble aims, however, are almost equal to his master's.” Actually, as a calligrapher, his fame is sometimes favorably compared with that of Wen Cheng-ming.<break>A collection of his writings entitled Lung-ch'ih shan-cWiao-chi 隆池屮樵集 2 ch., is listed by title only in the Ssu-k'u catalogue. It is not a complete compilation, only poetry being included. Most of his literary pieces have been lost since his death. His sketchbook known as Yen-shui-lu 烟水錄，1 c〃.， is included in Kuang pai-ch"uan hsiieh-hai 廣 百川學海，compiled by Feng K，o-pin 馮可 賓(cs 1622), and fortunately still exists.
YAO Kuang-hsiao 姚廣孝(monastic name: Tao-yen道衍，T .斯道，H .逃虛子，獨庵禪 師)，1335-May 3, 1418, Buddhist monk, poet, official, was a native of Ch’ang-chou 長洲 in the prefectuIre of Soochow. Al-<break>though his family had followed the practice of medicine for generations, Yao preferred the monastic life, and at the age of thirteen entered Miao-chih-an 妙智庵 in Wu-hsien 吳縣 in the same prefecture. In his early years he studied Ch’an Buddhism under several masters, including Hsu-pai-liangg虛白亮and Chih-chi智及(H.愚庵, 131 1-78)，at a number of monasteries located in the lower Yangtze valley. When he became convinced that Ch’an teachings were too abstract for him, he turned to the Pure Land Doctrine 淨土宗. In addition he read the Confucian Classics and the works of China’s earliest thinkers, and trained himself in the writing of poetry and prose. He studied under Hsi Ying-c 】hen席應眞orr珍 (T .心齋，H.子陽 子，1301-81)，a Taoist at the Ling-ying kuan 靈應觀，where he learned the theories of yin-yang, the arts of divination, fortunetelling, and physiognomy, which he was to use with remarkable success in his later years. He also became much interested in military science, and associated with such poets and scholar-officials as Kao Ch’i, Sung Lien, and Su Po-heng；(0q.y.)・Yao’s first years as a monk are little known. It is said that in 1373 he asked the ministry of Rites for an official monastic certificate and assignment to the Chiieh-lin ssu 覺林 寺(another name for the Miao-chih monastery). A year later, when Chu Yiian-chang summoned monks versed in Confucian doctrine, Yao responded and passed the examination supervised by the ministry of Rites, but did not accept an office. The emperor then granted him a monastic robe and allowed him to return to his monastery. By 1381 Yao had compiled at least two Buddhist works. In a postscript to one of them, the monk Ta-yu 大佑(H. 遽菴，l334-M 4 O7) testified that Yao had changed allegiance from T’ien-t’ai to Ch’an，and that at this time he was practicing the Pure Land Doctrine.<break>The year 1382 marks a turning point in Yao’s life. In September Empress Ma (^.v.) died. In order to arrange for the funeral ceremonies, the emperor requested<break>YAO Kuang-hsiao<break>[1562]<break>his ministers to recommend qualified monks employed at his court and at those of the imperial princes to recite sutras for the deceased empress. On the recommendation of Tsung-lo (q.v・)，Yao was one of those thus enlisted and was later assigned to the court of the prince of Yen, Chu Ti (q.v.), in Peiping to reside at the Ch"ng・shou 慶壽 monastery (later renamed Ta-hsing lung 大興隆 ssu). With his broad learning and temporal interests he made a good impression on Chu Ti, and their friendship grew. From this time on Yao became Chu Ti's most trusted counselor in civil and military affairs. Such a mixture of Yao飞 religious and political sophistication at the court of the prince of Yen is no ground for surprise. Chu Yiian-chang at Nanking too surrounded himself with a number of high-ranking Buddhist monks, such as Tsung-lo and Ju-ch'i (see Tsung-lo), who frequented the imperial court, where they held Buddhist conferences and conducted religious ceremonies on a large and imposing scale, wrote memorials to the throne on state problems, and not infrequently denounced Confucian scholars and officials to their considerable annoyance.<break>For the next sixteen years, from 1382 to 1398, Yao's activities at the court at Peiping are unrecorded. The historical sources report rather dramatically that Yao tried to instill into the mind of his prince through his skills in persuasion, divination, and physiognomy, a conviction of his imperial destiny. There is a story that during one of the first meetings with Chu Ti, when both were still at Nanking, Yao said to him: “Great Prince, your bodily figure is quite extraordinary, your powerful personality is without peer.... Let me serve you at your court and I shall put a white hat on your rank” (meaning 白 above 王=皇).Yao later asked permission to introduce the famous physiognomist Yuan Kung (q. v.) who, during an earlier meeting with Yao, had reportedly foretold his rise to power by calling Yao a Liu Ping-chung (1216-74) a Buddhist priest<break>who served Qubilai Khan as adviser and confidant. Yuan, it is said, recognized Chu Ti in disguise in a tavern and prophesied that, when his beard would reach to his navel, he would become emperor.<break>In June, 1398, Chu Yuan-chang died and was succeeded by his grandson, Chu Yiin-wen (q.v.), who, on the advice of Chi T，ai and Huang Tzu-ch'eng(see Lien Tzu-ning), adopted the policy of centralizing military power by reducing the princedoms. After four had been thus eliminated, Chu Ti who, as guardian of the norther^ marches against the Mongols, had a much larger army under his command than any other remaining prince, felt that his turn was coming. Yet he is reported to have been irresolute and unable to plan for his self-defense. According to the official version of Chu Ti's rebellion, Yao felt obliged to take the initiative and stir the prince to action, again with the help of divination, and seconded by Yuan Kung, the physiognomist. Yao reminded the prince that his imperial father liked him best, that he held him to be better qualified to rule the empire than his other sons, and that he had wanted him to come to Nanking before he died. His army was well trained and stationed in a rich part of the country. Actually, it seems that, even without any advice from Yao, the prince was too intelligent, ambitious, and energetic to be caught napping. After the plan to rebel was set, Yao built new arsenals in the labyrinthine sections of the palace and surrounded them with high fences. When the blacksmiths made too ominous a noise with their hammers and anvils, he brought large flocks of geese and ducks near the arsenals so that their clamor would drown out the noise. He trained soldiers in the palace grounds, and in the countryside. He recommended capable man for leadership in the army, and at the same time had to dispel fits of despondency and even despair of his prince.<break>The rebellion started in July, 1399, and after three years of fighting the cap-<break>[1563]<break>YAO Kuang-hsiao<break>ital city (Nanking) was taken (see Chu Yiin-wen). During the war Yao remained in Peiping and, together with the eldest son of Chu Ti, guarded the city. He continually offered advice to the prince in the field. Certain accounts unfavorable to Yao have charged him with manipulating Chu Ti like a marionette, and being almost entirely responsible for instigating the rebellion with all its attendant atrocities」 and hardship. The prince, become emperor,<break>could not well be accused of rebellion and usurpation of the throne. So history found in Yao a suitable scapegoat whom TJan<break>Ch'ien (q.v.) in his Kuo-cWueh could cajl “an evil man.,, Chu Ti himself, perhaps unwittingly, blackened the image of his adviser in the eyes of loyal officials by praising him as the most meritdrious official of the war. Although it is difficult to ascertain his precise role in the usurpation, Yao undoubtedly exerted great influence on Chu Ti. The latter found in him a resourceful adviser, a wholehearted supporter of his policies, and a loyal official with great foresight and courage. But the initiative was with Chu Ti who, for example, did not hesitate to liquidate over eight hundred members of the opposition in Nanking, with the scholar Fang Hsiao-ju (q.v.) among them. It is said that Yao had insistently asked the prince to spare Fang. Yao's opponents among the loyal officials could not ignore the occasionally good advice he gave the prince. But his connection with the usurpation sullied his reputation as a faithful official and Buddhist monk. The records report two episodes highly embarrassing for Yao. In July, 1404, a serious flood and subsequent famine plagued Soochow and Chekiang. The emperor entrusted Yao with relief measures. On that occasion he met his elder sister whom he had not seen since 1382. She did not mince words in expressing her contempt for his having disgraced his monkish calling. The same thing happened to Yao when he visited his friend of old, the hermit Wang Pin 王賓(T.仲 光，H.光菴)，who, ignoring his repeated<break>calls, finally dismissed him, saying: “You have taken the wrong stand!” These anecdotes may be spurious, but are ones historians and scholars repeated to show what many upright and loyal officials and pious Buddhist monks, especially those sympathetic to Chu Yiin-wen, thought of him.<break>In July, 1402, Chu Ti ascended the throne and in November of the same year he appointed Yao head of the central<break>Buddhist registry, making him the first monk of the whole empire. Two years later (May) the emperor elevated Yao to<break>the rank of junior preceptor of the heir apparent; then he asked him to return to secular life, and to use his family name to which he added by special mandate the name Kuang-hsiao (to broaden filial piety) by which he is best known in history. He gave Yao a residence and two palace ladies, but Yao refused everything. He stayed in his monastery, wore his Buddhist habit, and only when he went to an audience did he don his official robe. The emperor continued to favor him and affectionately addressed him as junior preceptor instead of calling him by his name.<break>Late in the same year the emperor received a report from Hsieh Chin (q.v.) about the compilation of the thesaurus, Wen-hsien ta-ch'eng 文獻大成，and charged Yao and others with its revision. The huge work was considered finished in 1407, and on December 14 of this year Yao submitted his report to the throne. The emperor then changed its name to Yung-lo ta-tien 永樂大典，and one year later contributed a preface in which the number of chiian is given as 22,937. During these busy years the emperor also appointed Yao (May, 1407) tutor to his grandson Chu Chan-chi (^.v.). In October, 1411, Chu Ti entrusted Yao with the supervision of the second revision of the T'ai-tsu shih-lu. Nine years earlier Li Ching-lung (see Li Wen-chung) had been charged with the revision of this shih-lu with the purpose of eradicating references<break>YAO Kuang-hsiao<break>[1564]<break>that might challenge the legitimacy of Chu Ti's replacement of his nephew as the imperial successor. When the revised text was submitted to the throne (1411), the emperor was displeased with its contents and also found it hastily done and incomplete. Although Yao had retired from official life (September, 1412), the emperor called him back, together with others, to undertake its rewriting; this was presented to the throne in June, 1418, a month after Yao's death. This revision the emperor accepted.<break>In the spring of 1418, when Yao felt his end approaching, he left Nanking for Peiping to take leave of his imperial master. Chu Ti came to his bedside twice and on the second occasion asked Yao about his last wishes. Yao requested him to release from prison the monk P'u・hsia 溥洽(T.南洲，1348-1426), who had reportedly cursed Chu Ti while he was still prince for his rebellion. His request was immediately granted. Yao died shortly afterward, aged eighty-three. He was ennobled as duke of Jung-kuo 榮國，and given the posthumous name Kung-ching 恭 靖.The emperor granted him a state funeral According to Buddhist rites. His ashes were, buried at T'ai-p'ing-li 太平里，40 li northeast of Fang-shan 房山-hsien, Pei-Chihli. The emperor wrote a tomb inscription, and the stele was set up at Yao's grave in 1426. A month later he ordered Yao's name tablet placed in the T'ai-miao 太廟 along with theJ image of three other meritorious officials in Chu Ti's service. Late in 1530 Yao's tablet was removed to his former residence, the Ta-hsing-lung monastery (see Liao Tao-nan). Eight years later, after a fire destroyed the monastery, it was removed to the Ta-lung-shan huo-kuo ssu 大隆善護國寺,the former residence of the late Yuan chancellor, To、to. Yao had an adopted son named Yao Chi 繼, whom Emperor Chu Kao-chih (q.v.) appointed (April, 1425) vice minister of the Seal Office.<break>Yao Kuang-hsiao was the author of three short treatises on Buddhism and of<break>two collections of belles lettres. The Ching-fu chien-yao lu 簡要錄,a treatise on rebirth in the Pure Land with a preface and a postscript dated 1381, gives numerous details about Yao's life. The Chu Shang-shan-jen yung 諸上善人詠 praises some 123 men believed to have gained rebirth in the Pure Land. He finished it the same year. Both works are included in the Dai Nihon zokuzokyo 大日本續藏經. The Tao-yii /〃 道餘錄，a treatise refuting the neo-Confucian arguments against Buddhism by the philosophers Chu Hsi (1130-1200), Ch'eng Hao (1032-85), and Ch'eng I (1033-1107), was written toward the end of his life and first printed in 1619 with funds contributed by Ch'ien Ch'ien-i (ECCP). A copy of this edition is preserved in the National Central Library in Taipei. Because of its unorthodox nature, the Tao-yu lu was denounced by later Confucian scholars and had a limited circulation. It was reprinted by Sun Yii-hsiu 孫毓修 in Han-fen-lou pi-chi 涵芬樓祕笈 in 1925, and Heinz Friese recently published a partial translation into German. The T'ao-hsu tzu shih-chi 逃虛子詩集，10+1 c〃.，contains Yao，s poems. The Naikaku Bunko ireasures a manuscript copy, a microfilm of which is available in the Princeton University Library. Another manuscipt copy is preserved in the National Central Library. The T'ao-hsu lei-kao 類稿，5十1 c%., contains Yao's miscellaneous essays. A manuscript copy is preserved in the former Kiangsu Provincial Library, Nanking. A portrait of Yao in Buddhist costume, looking quite impressive, is reproduced in the Ku-kung 故宮(Palace Museum Monthly, February, 1930).<break>Japanese monks, before returning from their visits to Chinese monasteries, frequently asked Yao for a preface or postscript to their memoirs or literary collections (see Zekkai Chushin). Apparently they regarded him as a model among monks of his time. Future research will have to determine how much initiative and encouragement Yao gave to the printing and distribution of many sutras and<break>[1565]<break>YAO Shun-mu<break>Buddhist writings, and also how deeply he influenced his imperial master in his policy with respect to Buddhism.
FENG Meng-lung馮夢龍(T.猶龍，耳猶, 子猶，H・龍子猶，墨憨齋主人，姑蘇詞奴, etc), 1574-1646, poet, dramatist, fiction writer, and editor, was a native of Ch'ang-chou 長洲，prefecture of Soochow. He and his two elder brothers were widely known as the “three Feng brothers in the Wu region.w Feng Meng-lung, talented and learned as he was, had little success in the state examinations. It was only in 1631, at the age of fifty-seven, that he was sent to the National University by his local school, and then qualified for a minor appointment. He was interested in education and is said to have served as sub-director of schools in the district of Tan-fu 丹徒 (prefecture of Chinkiang). The highest official position he obtained was that of magistrate of Shou-ning 壽寧,Fukien, from 1634 to 1638. His administration was distinguished for its fairness, honesty, and leniency, as well as for its encouragement of literary pursuits. Among other things he<break>[451]<break>FENG Meng-lung<break>prepared the local gazetteer, Shou-ning-hsien chih 縣志(1637), 2 cA„ a copy of which is preserved in the Ueno Park Library, Tokyo.<break>Some sources describe Feng Meng-lung as having died as a result of the collapse of the Ming, but this does not seem to have been the case, although he was loyal to the dynasty and resentful of both the Chinese rebels and the Manchu invaders. Two of his poems entitled “Li-luan ko"離歯L歌 bear out this contention. His enthusiastic support of the Ming princes in the south, particularly Chu Yii-chien (ECCP), may be seen from his book Chun^-hsing yvei-liieh 中興偉略，1 c〃., which he finished in 1645 and wherein he speaks of himself as an old official of seventy-two sui. So far as is known, he did live until the following year, 1646, when that book was published in Japan. It is doubtful, however, that he actually escaped to Japan, as Jung Chao-tsu 容肇祖 has proposed. The exact circumstances under which he met his end remain unknown.<break>Feng Meng-lung was undoubtedly a man. of superior talent and erudition, his academic interests covering a wide spectrum of subjects ranging from Confucianism to gambling. His books, CWun-ch'iu chih-yueh 春秋指月 and CKun-cKiu heng-k'u 衡庫，30 c儿，were just as popular with Confucian scholars as his books, Mb-tiao chueh-li 馬吊脚例，1 ch., and P'ai-ching 牌經，1 c瓦，were with gambling experts. He was responsible too for editing a collec+ion of reports and accounts of what happened in 1644, entitled Chia-shen chi-shih 市申紀事 (printed 1645/46), 14 c〃.，which has been reprinted in the Hsuan-lan-fang ts'ung-shu, compiled by Cheng Chen-to (BDRC). Feng's greatest contribution as a writer and scholar, however, does not lie in the study of either Confucian Classics or gambling rules, but in the preservation, promotion, and creation of popular literature.<break>From 1620 to 1627 Feng Meng-lung compiled and published three collections<break>of hua-pen 話本(colloquial short stories) entitled Yu-shih ming-yen 喩世名言(initially called Ku-chin hsiao-shuo 古今小說),40 ch., Ching-shih fung-yen 警世通言，and Hsing-shih heng-yen 醒世恆言，which from the word yen common to each of the titles, later became known together as the Sanyen 三言. These three collections, each containing forty stories, preserve practically all the Sung and Yuan hua-pen still extant in Feng's time. As we know, in the late Ming period Sung and Yuan hua-pen had become rare items for book collectors, and Feng must have taken pains to collect them from various sources. Without his effort and enthusiasm these stories might have been lost, considering what happened in China during and after late Ming times. In these collections are also preserved many Ming hua-pen, including Feng Meng-lung^ own works. As an editor he often drastically revised and restyled the stories he collect-ed, and on the whole his revision and restyling were for the better in view of their readability. A number of these have been rendered into English and other languages.<break>Not only colloquial short stories but also other forms of fiction attracted his attention. It was he who first recognized the true literary value of the Chin P'ing Mei (see Wang Shih-chen) in its manuscript form, and boldly advised his friend Shen Te-fu (q.y.) to publish the novel. It was he who revised the historical romance Lieh-kuo chih 列國志，108 回，and the supernatural novel San-sui p'Eg-ya。chuan 三遂平妖傳’48 ch. It was also he who wrote the biographical noveleiie Wang Yang-ming hsien-sheng cKu-shen ching-luan lu王陽明先生出身靖亂錄，3泌,Besides, he wrote and edited a great number of tales, anecdotes, and jokes, as may be seen in his books Ku-chin fan-kai^^^^^ 36 cA„ Hsiao-fu 笑府，1 ch., Ch'ing shih lei-liieh 情史類略,24 c无，Chih-nang智囊，28 cA., and Chih-nang pu 補，28 ch.<break>It is quite conceivable that Feng Meng-lung owned or was closely con-<break>FENG Meng-lung<break>[452 ]<break>nected with a printing concern. The rapidity of the publication of memoranda on current events in a manner not unlike journalistic literature of today, and the repetition and rearrangement of many short stories printed in different collections, both point to the validity of this conjecture. For example, the Chih-nang pu, although the title gives the impression that it is a supplement to the Chih-nang, actually is a reshuffled new edition. Perhaps it is also worth mentioning that the short stories dealing with Ming plots in Feng's collections are mostly based on contemporary events. Lienche Tu Fang in a recent article demonstrates this point<break>As a dramatist Feng Meng-lung followed in the footsteps of Shen Ching ("•) a leader of the prosodic school of Ming drama. His book Mo-han-chai hsin-ting iz'〃-P'〃墨憨齋新定詞譜clearly shows his emphasis on metrical rules and music patterns in drama. In his lifetime, he wrote only two plays entitled Shuang-hsiung chi 雙堀記，2 "., and Wan-shih tsu 萬事足，2 ch., both of which are noted for their metrical excellence. But he also edited and revised at least twelve plays—namely, Hsin kuan-yiian 新灌園,2 c〃.，Chiu-chia yung 酒家傭，2 cA・，Nii chang-fu 女丈夫，2 c九，Liang-chiang chi 量江記，2 cA., Ching-chung ch'i 精忠旗，2 c%., Meng-lei chi 夢 磊記，2 cA., Sa-hsileh t'ang 灑雪堂，2 cA., Ch'u-chiang ch'ing 楚江淸，2 ch., Feng-liu meng 風流夢，2 c%., Jen-shou kuan 人獸關, 2 cA., Yung fuan-yitan 永團圓, 2 c力.,and Han-tan meng 邯鄆夢，2 c/・<break>In the field of poetry Feng Meng-lung was equally productive. Most of his poems written in the traditional style are in his book CKi-lo~chai kao 七樂齋稿.According to traditional critics, he was skillful only in making rhymes in the colloquial language and therefore could not compose good poetry. But from the point of view of modern critics, his ability to use the colloquial was precisely his great strength. Besides poems of the traditional type, he also wrote a large number of san-ch'ii 散曲 and folk songs, all filled<break>with vivid colloquial expression of the common people. His best lyrical songs are perhaps those written after his separation from the singsong girl, Hou Hui-ch'ing 侯慧卿，with whom he had fallen in love. Practically all his colloquial songs are included in the three collections he edited: T'ai-hsia hsin-tsou 太霞新奏，14 c〃“ Kua-chik~er^^^, 9 cA., and Shan-ko 山歌，10 ch. It is particularly for his preservation of the popular songs of the Wu region that he is remembered by lovers of folk poetry.
SHENG Mao-yeh盛茂燁(T.念庵，H.硏 菴，硯菴，與華)，fl. 1620-40, artist, was a native of Ch'ang-chou 長洲(Soochow). Nothing is known of his life； the authors of his biographical notices discuss his painting only. They state that he produced landscapes in color depicting misty groves and wide plains with slanted and intertwined trees and lofty mountains, and that his figures were refined and skillfully done. They add that his paintings, although lacking the influence of Sung and Yuan dynasty styles, were exceedingly good when compared with those of the late Wu 吳 school; the "scholarly" spirit of his paintings also receives praise.<break>Many of Sheng's landscapes are quite somber in effect, displaying a marked preference for sparse groves of spindly or tortured pines or thickets of blunt-branched leafless trees. This is explained partly by the artisfs penchant for illustrating poetry and for frequently selecting precisely those couplets, most often conceived by Tang dynasty poets, which ref er to chill and wintry scenes. Stylistically, Sheng^ landscape forms are produced not so much by outlines, as by built-up layers of soft dabs and strokes of wash. Contrasted with this are the harshly rendered forms of branches and trees. Often the stunted or bare branches are done with brusque, blunted strokes of stark, dark ink, while tree trunks are presented as folded and twisted angular patterns rather than as rounded forms.<break>Sheng, whose style was influenced by that of Li Shih-ta (q. v.), peopled his landscapes with scholar-figures of a distinctive type. They tend to be of ample proportion and to wear heavy, full gar-<break>ments which increase their rotundity. Their rather portly physiques are further emphasized by the artisfs inclination to ignore the interior folds of garments and instead to concentrate upon defining the overlapping folds of cuffs, collars, and hems with wide, wavering lines. (Examples of Sheng飞 paintings are reproduced by Osvald Siren.)<break>Sheng was apparently the leading figure in a family of landscape painters which included his son, Sheng Nien 年(T. 大有). This youth painted plum blossoms and bamboo as well as landscapes, but had an uncontrollable mania for chess, in which he excelled, and so had little time to devote to painting. Further, according to Yeh Te-hui (BDRC), two landscape artists from Soochow, Sheng Mao-chiin 俊 and Sheng Mao-ying 穎，were Sheng Mao-yeh's brothers. None of Sheng Nien's works seems to have survived, and only one landscape, a fan dated 1626, by Sheng Mao-chiin is known to exist (unpublished, listed by Kub Wei-ch'ii 郭味蕖).A handscroll entited “Ma-ch'i yen-yii t'u” 馬嗜 烟雨圖(The Ma-ch4 temple in misty rain), painted in 1633, is signed “Sheng Ying" and may be the work of Sheng Mao-ying (reproduced in Liao-ning-s^eng po-^u-kuan ts'ang-hua chi 遼寧省博物館藏 畫集). Both the Liaoning、 catalogue and the Shih-cWii pao-chi, the catalogue of the Ch'ien-lung emperor's collection (to which this painting once belonged), assign it to the otherwise unknown artist, Sheng Ying. Hsii Pang-ta (see Lu Chih), however, considers it to have been the work of Sheng Mao-ying. If this assumption be correct, a seal following the artisfs signature gives his hao as T'ao-an chu-jen陶菴主人.
CHANG Feng-i張鳳翼(T.伯起，H.凌虛, 靈虛先生，冷然居士)， 1527-1613, poet, playwright, and calligrapher, was a native of C^ang-chou (Soochow). He became a chil-jen in 1564. His two younger brothers, Chang Hsien-i獻翼(T・幼于，H.百花 山人，later changed his name to Mi 疲， d. 1604) and Chang Yen-i 燕翼(T.叔貽， also a chii-jen of 1564), were likewise known for their literary attainments; so the three were given the sobriquet in Soochow of the “Three Chang.” After qualifying for the chu-jen, Chang Feng-i tried four times to pass the examinations for the advanced degree, but failed. Thereafter he gave up the pursuit of an official career and maintained a life of leisure in Soochow by selling specimens of his calligraphy and by other literary activities. In front of his gate he placed a bulletin board with the superscription： "This house is short of stationery. It is requested that applicants for my calligraphy pay a small fee as per list.w It was said that he never approached prominent officials for favor, although few of the persons of note passing through Soochow failed to pay courtesy calls upon 一 him. Some of his old friends rose to high rank in Peking and urged him to enter the public service, but he steadfastly refused. For relaxation he played the lute.<break>Chang was responsible for seven operas:<break>CHANG Fu<break>[64 ]<break>Hung-fu chi 紅拂記， Chu-fa chi 祝髮記， Ch9ieh-fu chi 窃存記，Kuan-yiian chi 灌園記， Yen-i chi 展厚話 Hu-fu chi 虎符|B, and Fing-po chi 平播記.The first six were published under the general title Yang-ch'un 〃〃-c耐 陽春六集.The most popular of these operas, frequently performed on the stage, is the Hung-fu chi. This work, which Chang wrote at the time of his marriage, is based on a famous romance of the T'ang dynasty. The Chu-fa chi was written in celebration of his mother's eightieth birthday. (She lived on to the age of ninety s〃i.) Chu I-tsun (ECCP) in his Ching-chih^chu shih-hua chatacterized Chang's dramatic poetry as undistinguished.<break>On Chang's calligraphy Wang Shih-chen (q.v.) in I-yuan chih-yen made the comment: “Feng-i took pains to imitate Wang Hsi-chih (321-79) and Wang Hsien-chih (344-88), the most celebrated of Chinese calligraphers. His discarded brushes formed several heaps of rubbish which were then buried as a memorial. His style lacks naturalness, but the structure of his characters is excellent”<break>Chang also took part in dramatic performances. Once he and his son acted on stage in the well-known Yuan drama P7-pa chi (see Kao Ming) and attracted a considerable crowd. He was most composed throughout. Besides his operatic contributions, he left the following works: CWu-shih-fang chi 處實堂集J Meng-cha九 lei・k'a。 夢占類考，Wen-hsuan tsuan-chu文選纂註, Hai~nei ming-chia kung-hua neng-shih 海內 名家工畫能事，and Tan lu譚紡 The first of these works, which included poems (4 c〃.)，essays (3 c瓦)，and a short sketch book (1 c万.)，suffered expunction in the following century. [Editors* note: Chang Feng-i was one of the first scholars to write a preface to the fictional work, Shui-hu chuan (see Shih Nai-an) and-the only one to point out that certain officials are the actual robbers and that the readers of the work are thrilled whenever the commoner-bandits are victorious over the robber-officials. He also was critical of the publishers who appended “Wang Ch'ing"<break>and other irrelevant stories to the Shui-hu chuan. It is unknown which of its editions contained his preface, written ca. 1588-89. The edition he liked was the one published by Kuo Hsiin (q.v.), see 4<Wen-hsueh i-ch'an” in Kuang-ming jih-pao, May 9, 1965.]<break>There are at least two more individuals named Chang Feng-i with identical characters in the early 17th century, and the three are mistakenly taken to be one person in Combined Indices to Eighty-nine Collections of Ming Dynasty Biographies. The entries l/257/15a and 3/240/15a refer to the Chang Feng-i of Tai-chou 代州, Shansi, who was a chin-shih of 1613, served as minister of War in 1630 and again in 1632-36, dying in office September 30. The entry 55/8/9b refers to the Chang Feng-i (T・異羽)of T5ang-i 堂邑，Shantung, who was a chin-shih of 1625 and, while serving as governor of northern Shensi, died a martyr to the Ming cause in 1643 in a battle not far from Yen-an 延安 against the rebel, Li Tzu-ch'eng (ECCP).
CHANG Feng-i張鳳翼(T.伯起，H.凌虛, 靈虛先生，冷然居士)， 1527-1613, poet, playwright, and calligrapher, was a native of C^ang-chou (Soochow). He became a chil-jen in 1564. His two younger brothers, Chang Hsien-i獻翼(T・幼于，H.百花 山人，later changed his name to Mi 疲， d. 1604) and Chang Yen-i 燕翼(T.叔貽， also a chii-jen of 1564), were likewise known for their literary attainments; so the three were given the sobriquet in Soochow of the “Three Chang.” After qualifying for the chu-jen, Chang Feng-i tried four times to pass the examinations for the advanced degree, but failed. Thereafter he gave up the pursuit of an official career and maintained a life of leisure in Soochow by selling specimens of his calligraphy and by other literary activities. In front of his gate he placed a bulletin board with the superscription： "This house is short of stationery. It is requested that applicants for my calligraphy pay a small fee as per list.w It was said that he never approached prominent officials for favor, although few of the persons of note passing through Soochow failed to pay courtesy calls upon 一 him. Some of his old friends rose to high rank in Peking and urged him to enter the public service, but he steadfastly refused. For relaxation he played the lute.<break>Chang was responsible for seven operas:<break>CHANG Fu<break>[64 ]<break>Hung-fu chi 紅拂記， Chu-fa chi 祝髮記， Ch9ieh-fu chi 窃存記，Kuan-yiian chi 灌園記， Yen-i chi 展厚話 Hu-fu chi 虎符|B, and Fing-po chi 平播記.The first six were published under the general title Yang-ch'un 〃〃-c耐 陽春六集.The most popular of these operas, frequently performed on the stage, is the Hung-fu chi. This work, which Chang wrote at the time of his marriage, is based on a famous romance of the T'ang dynasty. The Chu-fa chi was written in celebration of his mother's eightieth birthday. (She lived on to the age of ninety s〃i.) Chu I-tsun (ECCP) in his Ching-chih^chu shih-hua chatacterized Chang's dramatic poetry as undistinguished.<break>On Chang's calligraphy Wang Shih-chen (q.v.) in I-yuan chih-yen made the comment: “Feng-i took pains to imitate Wang Hsi-chih (321-79) and Wang Hsien-chih (344-88), the most celebrated of Chinese calligraphers. His discarded brushes formed several heaps of rubbish which were then buried as a memorial. His style lacks naturalness, but the structure of his characters is excellent”<break>Chang also took part in dramatic performances. Once he and his son acted on stage in the well-known Yuan drama P7-pa chi (see Kao Ming) and attracted a considerable crowd. He was most composed throughout. Besides his operatic contributions, he left the following works: CWu-shih-fang chi 處實堂集J Meng-cha九 lei・k'a。 夢占類考，Wen-hsuan tsuan-chu文選纂註, Hai~nei ming-chia kung-hua neng-shih 海內 名家工畫能事，and Tan lu譚紡 The first of these works, which included poems (4 c〃.)，essays (3 c瓦)，and a short sketch book (1 c万.)，suffered expunction in the following century. [Editors* note: Chang Feng-i was one of the first scholars to write a preface to the fictional work, Shui-hu chuan (see Shih Nai-an) and-the only one to point out that certain officials are the actual robbers and that the readers of the work are thrilled whenever the commoner-bandits are victorious over the robber-officials. He also was critical of the publishers who appended “Wang Ch'ing"<break>and other irrelevant stories to the Shui-hu chuan. It is unknown which of its editions contained his preface, written ca. 1588-89. The edition he liked was the one published by Kuo Hsiin (q.v.), see 4<Wen-hsueh i-ch'an” in Kuang-ming jih-pao, May 9, 1965.]<break>There are at least two more individuals named Chang Feng-i with identical characters in the early 17th century, and the three are mistakenly taken to be one person in Combined Indices to Eighty-nine Collections of Ming Dynasty Biographies. The entries l/257/15a and 3/240/15a refer to the Chang Feng-i of Tai-chou 代州, Shansi, who was a chin-shih of 1613, served as minister of War in 1630 and again in 1632-36, dying in office September 30. The entry 55/8/9b refers to the Chang Feng-i (T・異羽)of T5ang-i 堂邑，Shantung, who was a chin-shih of 1625 and, while serving as governor of northern Shensi, died a martyr to the Ming cause in 1643 in a battle not far from Yen-an 延安 against the rebel, Li Tzu-ch'eng (ECCP).
CHU Ts^un-li朱存理(T.性甫，性父，性之, H.野航)，1444-August 25, 1513, author, bibliophile, and calligrapher, was a native of Ch^ng-chou 長洲(Soochow), and came from a well-to-do family. His father Chu Hao 朱灝(籟)(T.景南)was posthumously awarded a memorial tablet inl475 for his fililial piety. In his youth Chu Ts'un-li found the traditional education, which was solely to prepare for the government competitve examinations, not to his taste; so he soon gave it up. He then became a pupil of Tu Ch'iung (4。) a noted scholar and painter, also a native of Soochow. As a result of Tu Ch'iung's coaching Chu Ts'un・li became fond of reading extensively, and continued this interest throughout his life. Whenever he heard of some rare books, he would make every effort to ferret them out and copy them himself. Indeed, his handwritten copies, covering all subjects, included works by more than a hundred authors.<break>His home was just outside Fu-men 著 門(努 is ordinarily pronounced Feng), a gate in the east wail of Soochow. Once he was engaged as a teacher by a Wang 王 family in a village not far from<break>Soochow. One night his host entertained him with wine, and when he retired he left Chu alone. Watching the full moon riding in the sky Chu composed a verse which delighted even himself: “A cup in hand surpasses all; how many times does one see the moon?,,萬事不如杯在手，一生 幾見月當頭.He then shouted to his host who immediately joined him for more drinking and praised his effusion. The next day the former asked some poets of Soochow to respond in verse, and later celebrated the occasion.<break>According to Wen Cheng-ming (q.v) who wrote the tombstone inscription, Chu Ts，un-li befriended Wu Klan, Shen Chou (qq.v.), and himself. Wen also said： "Chu Tstn-liT poems, elegant in style, often show ideas." His poetical work, known as Yeh-hang chi 野航集，contained a preface by Yang Hsiin-chi (qj.), who remarked that Chifs verses tended to be simple in diction, but profound. In calligraphy Chu was an expert in the orthodox pattern, approching the style of the Tsin dynasty (265-420), although he was also noted for his seal script. As to his complete writings. Wen Cheng-ming enumerated a number of them, mostly lost. As the years went on he remained a man of robust vigor, but his financial condition worsened. His considerable collection of books and art objects as well as his manuscripts became scattered and lost.<break>Again according to Wen Cheng-ming, there lived in Soochow two scholars sur-named Chu, both highly respected for their learning and exemplary behavior, neither of whom entered political life. One was Chu Ts'un・li, the other Chu K*ai 朱凱(T.堯员，d. 1512). Both men were acquainted with the lore of their city and loved to tell of it. After their death, the people of Soochow wearied of any who tried to imitate them.<break>Chu Ts'un-li passed away at the age of sixty-nine and was survived by two sons, Chu Yen 延 and Chu Chien ^. One of them was adopted by the Lu family whose best known descendant, Lu Kung<break>CHU Wan<break>[372]<break>陸恭(T.謹庭，1741-1818), became an art critic.<break>The most controversial matter regarding authorship revolves around the book, T'ieh-wang shan-hu 鐵網珊瑚,in 16 chiian, attributed to Chu. The Ming edition of this book was later reprinted by Nien Hsi-yao年希堯(T.允恭，d. 1738), younger brother of Nien Keng-yao (ECCP). It included a postscript written by Chao Ch'i-mei (see Chao Yung-hsien), a bibliophile, who the editors of the Ssu-k'u catalogue assert was the compiler. Weng Fang-kang (ECCP), an eminent art critic, disagreed, however, writing a long postscript to the Shan-hu mu-nan 木難 in four volumes in which he declared: “Chu Ts'un-li wrote two books: T'ieh-^ang shan-hu, 16 c%., in printed form, and Shan-hu mu-nan, 8 ch., in manuscript. The present book in four volumes is the original draft of the aforementioned books. I have checked them against the former and found forty items identical.0 Ch'en T'ien (see T'ien Ju・ch'eng) in his Ming-shih chi-shih 明詩紀事 reached the conclusion that T'ieh-wang shan-hu was written by Chu Ts'un-li and supplemented by Chao Ch'i-mei. The book deals with famous paintings and calligraphy. In this connection it should be recalled that a book bearing the same title and written by Tu Mu (q.v.) is a publication of similar nature but quite different content.<break>In regard to the Shan-hu mu-nan, the editors of the Ssu-k'u catalogue maintain that it was in manuscript. It was later printed by a bibliophile, Chang Chiin-heng (ECCP, p. 19), in a series called Shih-yuan ts'ung-shu. This book contains numerous pieces of prose, poetry, colophons on paintings, and calligraphy. These collections came mostly from the families of Wen Cheng-ming, Wang Chih-teng (q.v) and Wang T'eng-ch'eng 王騰程(T. 5叟),Chu Ts'un-li's own collection being included therein.<break>In spite of heavy loss of manuscripts, Chu Ts'un-li's prose and poems were later printed under the following titles: Ching-<break>hsiao lu 旌孝錄,1 cA., Lou-chu tsa-ch^ 樓 居雜著，1 c/., Yeh-hang wen-kao 稿、，1 cZh, Yeh-hang shih-kao 詩稿，1 c九，and fu-lu 附錄，1 cA. They are found in various series: Fang-chi pa-k'o 芳溪八刻，T'ien cWih-lou ts'ung-cKao 天尺樓蜜抄(in manuscript), and Heng-shan ts'ao-fang-ts'ung ""橫山草堂叢書.<break>In addition to the above, Cfiu also compiled a supplement 補遺 to the Ts'un-hui-chai kao 存悔齋稿 by Kung Su (1266-1331); both of these works have been reprinted in the Heng-shan ts'ao-t'ang ts'ung-shu. As he had seen many valuable paintings and examples of calligraphy when he was compiling his T'ieh-wang shan-hu and Shan-hu mu-nan, it was natural for him to read and copy many of the colophons on those artistic treasures which captured his imagination.
"CHU Yiin-ming祝允明（T.希哲，H.枝山,<break>校指生),January 17, 1461-January 28, 1527, scholar; calligrapher, was boTn into a riterary Family in Ch'ang・chou •長洲, prefecture of Sobchow, a flourishing center of cultural arid intellectual activities. His grandfather, Chu Hao ：^ (Tj惟淸，cs 1439, 14^5-January 23, 1483), a capable administrator and accomplished scholar, cbn-cluded his career as g vice administrative commissioner of Shansi, arid left a collection of writings, T'ung-hsuah chi ^^f#, 5 ch： His - son, Chu Hsien 3® (H%齋.& 1483)； married Hsfi Shuluan 血端(1442-76), the daughter of Grand Secretary Hsii Yu・chen (q.v.). She was a talented woman who became' the mother of Ghti Yuh-ming.<break>Chu Yun-ming reportedly lodked father unimpressive： he was near-sighted and had ah extra finger oh one of his,L，hands; hence he came to be known as Chu Chih-ShaiT 枝山,of Chih-chih shehg* 枝指生 (extra finger). A precocious -child^ Chu Yiin-ming is- said to have been ?*able to write simple characters 'when he was only four years of age and compose poems by the time he was eight.--• During his early ye^rs he studied the Classics and literature under the ihstruction of his elders, and made a mark; for His ability； He struck his ； seniors, moreover, by his unorthodox thinking and behavior1, such as his skepticism about orthodox neo-Confucian-ism and his contempt for ■ Conventional values and practices,- Oh which he Expounded in his first publication, a Collection of notes on the Classics called Tu-訪""，-c加讀書筆記,in 1488：上 :<break>As he reached manhood,；i a fellow townsman, Li YingwchSn； (see Wen Cheng-ming), a noted schbiaf-caHigraphef who was then vi!ce minister of thefCourt -of the Imperial Stud, impressed by his promise, betrothed his daughter to hihi. ;In 1492 Chu belatedly graduated as chu-jeri: He made an impression bn the chief ekamirief Wang A。整(q.v.), but abahdohed his attempt for an official career ； after several failures in lai^r examinations. He then werit into retreat dt hbme, absorbed himself in scholarly and literary pastimes, and ;tbok<break>[393]<break>CHU Yiin-ming<break>occasional trips to gain inspiration. He had thQ compaiiy frequently of three distinguished belle-lettrists of his locality, Hsii, Chen-ch5ing, Wen Cheng〈ming, and T'ang Yin (：<7<7. v.),; who became ： his life-long friends. They traveled together, exchanged； poems and specimens of calligraphy^ and collectively, earned the epithet Wu-ch*ng ssu chjeh 吳中四傑(four talents of the Wu・ district).	L=-；.*：；”<break>^Eventually in 1515, through the rec-QiTiniendation • of ~ senior authorities J Chu received ；an appointment ；as magistrate of Hsing-ning 興寧…Kwangtung,, ； where he officiated during, the next five years； He won the appreciation, of；, the natives by his .--devotion to justice,： guidance in proper Confucian：conduct, and promotion of public education. He was particularly remembered a? editor of [he local gazet-i^x, Hsing-ningThsien M 4 cA., with his o*p F preface二 dated January, 1517T 二This editiQn, noted for its meticulous attention 9 fipanqial *口4 milit ary ： i n stitut ions, ； was a model of its kind, and still survives in incomplete form. : A. transcriptipn of the original draft in Chu Yiin-ming^, ° running style,, calligraphy was reproduced in 1962 by; the Chung-hua 中 ^g ； Book Company under the title Chu Chih-shan shou-hsieh 手寫耳豆""-市货：纣ghih kaQ7pen 稿本. Around 1520, through the recommendation of Wu K'uan ①乂为 Ch11 gained; promotion tp： be assistant prefect. of Ying-fien< >： (Nanking) in charge of. fiscal matters. Before j6ng, however, unhappy ;pver official routines, and_^suffering frpm poor health, he .pleaded for permission^ ^ retire：. He spent the last few years at home, where he erected a pavilion, called Huai-hsing-fang 懷星 :堂(1525)「and । devoted himself to scholarly and ； literary；: pursuits. He wasi survived byf wQ sons. The elder, Chu Hsii 續 (亍.遙球 cs 15垣,first served as a Hanlin bachelor,, j then as a superising secre-taj-y,, and lastly as an administrative； commissioner. ,of Kwangsi. ?/.<;j 上 I ：；；：；：.., 宀 Chja Yun-ming、y@s an outstanding representative of an. exceptional group of intellectual and'； literary people of the<break>Soochow area in the latter half of the 15th century. There emerged not only accomplished scholars who distinguished themselves in official careers, but also certain “pure"" literary figures who were unsuccessful in officialdom but who enjoyed prestige by virtue of their literary distinction. These individuals possessed two personality traits. First, they were individualistic nonconformists who prided themselves on their romantic self-indulgence, and sustained theiir reputation through the patronage of scholar-officials who valued their achievement. Second, they were social and political iconoclasts who questioned the values and standards of neoConfucian orthoxy, and concerned themselves with the ills of society in their quest for justice and freedom. In so doing they became a group of social critics—the Japanese scholar Miyasaki Ichisada 宮崎 市定 dubbing them “shih-yin” 市隱一who constantly spoke out on issues despite their npnofficial capacities. Besides Chu Xiin-ming and his three talented friends, other outstanding members of this group of literati included Shen Chou, Wang Ch^ng and his brother, and later Huang Hsing-tseng and his brothers (qqj.)・<break>Chu Yun-ming made a mark both for his literary versatility, and for his noncon-formist thinking and behavior. He was aboye all a romantic, disdaining conventions, enjoying travel and female companionship, and indulging in drinking and gambling. One of the- most popular anecdotes about him records that he abhorred those ：who requested examples of his writing @nd condescended : only .■ when he was intoxicated or at the bidding of a courtesan. On the other hand, he was an iconoclast typical of his group. His personality, inspired numerous anecdotes and stories, these culminating in a modern novel called Chu Chih-shan feng-liu shih風 流史(The romance of Chu Yiin-ming), or Chu Chih-shan ku-shih 故事・ In a melange of imaginative and colorful anecdotes, the anonymous author dramatizes Chu as a romantic belle-lettrist, unorthodox thinker,<break>CHU Yun-ming<break>[394]<break>and just administrator; this helped to popularize him.<break>Chu Yiin・ming's revolt against the orthodox neo-Confucian tradition, his championing of rationalism, and his unconventional attitude toward individuals and society may be gleaned from his own writings. Chu produced voluminous and diverse collections of literary works and miscellanies. The bulk of his output on social and political issues was assembled and collated by his sons sometime after his death under the title Chu-shih chi-lueh 氏集略，30 ch. This collection, first engraved in 1558, was reprinted as Huai-hsing-fang chi9 also 30 cA・, in 1609. A later supplement, Chu-shih we""文-chi, 10 c/., assembled by his fellow townsman Hsieh Yung 謝雍(T・元和，1464-1544 +) in manuscript transcription, was once preserved in the National Library of Peiping. These two were recently reproduced under the title Chu-shih shih 詩-we〃 chi, by the National Central Library, Taipei, in 3 vols. (1971)—by far the most comprehensive collection of Chu Yiin-ming's writings.<break>In his numerous essays, particularly in a series of discourses on classical studies, Chu vented his criticism of the orthodox heo-Confucian tradition as well as the authoritarian political institutions of his age. He criticized the formalistic doctrine of Sung neo-Confucianism for its inhibiting effects on intellectual development, and advocated the study of preSung commentaries for new concepts. He also chided his contemporaries for flirtation with vulgar religions and philosophies, such as superstitous Taoist beliefs and practices, and proposed the suppression of literature of this type. Similarly, he rebuked the hypocritical scholar officials for their disposition to enhance their prestige by falsifying their genealogical records, or by exaggerating the achievement of their ancestors in laudatory essays. In veiled but unmistakable language he also attacked the inept and overbearing administrators, particularly those officials<break>and eunuchs presiding over the Soochow area, and exposed their unsavory conduct and misdeeds.<break>Chu Yiin^ming culminated his attack on the neo-Confucian prthodoxy and its moral and ethical standards by publishing in 1522 a long treatise which he apologetically called Chu-shih tsui-chih lu 罪知錄, 10 ch. In separate essays he attacked the traditional evaluation of illustrious historical personalities from antiquity down to the Yiian dased on conventional moral and ethical criteria, and submitted his own versions through a critical appraisal of certain specific situations. He challenged the adulation of several ancient heroes such as Emperors T'ang of the Shang and Wu of the Chou, Minister I Yin of the Shang* and the Duke of Chou. He criticized both Hsiin-tzu and Mencius for their one-sided views of human nature, characterizing the latter as no sage, and hailed Chuang-tzu as the greatest philosopher after Confucius. He also disputed the standard evaluation of a number of historical personalities—emperors, statesmen, military officials, philosophers, belle-Iettrists —citing examples of their achievements or misdeeds which invalidated the stereotyped categories of conventional judgment. They include Yang Hsiung (53 B.C.-A.D. 18), Yen Kuang (37 B-C.-A.D. 43) of the Han, Hsieh An (320-85) and Hsieh Hsiian (343-88) of the Chin, Wei Cheng (580-643), Han Yu (768-824), and Li Te-yii (787-849) of the rang, Emperor Chao K'uang・yin (927-76), Fan Chung-yen (9 89-1052), Ssu~ma Kuang (1019-86), and Han T'o-chou (1151-1207) of the Sung. He also challenged the traditional views on such leading personalities of the last period as Wang An-shih (1021-86), Ou-yang Hsiu (1007-72), Su Shih(1037-1101), Ch，eng I (1033-1107), and Chu Hsi (1130-1200), decrying their achievements in philosophy and literature. He was particularly critical, however, of Chinese scholars who served under the Mongols, such as Hsii Heng (1209-81), Liu Ping-chung (1216-74), Wu Ch'eng (1249-13 3 3), and<break>[395]<break>CHU Yiin-ming<break>Chao Meng-fu (1254-1322), contending that their services betrayed the Chinese cause, and jeopardized their status as true Confucianists. This somewhat harsh attitude, while reflecting Chu Yun-ming's disdain of officialdom, perhaps exemplifies the increasing anti-Mongol sentiment sparked by the T'u-mu defeat of 1449 (see Wang Chen).<break>In a similar vein, Chu Yun-ming attacked Sung neo-Confucianism, particularly the school represented by Chu Hsi and the two Ch'eng brothers, charging that their interpretation distorted the meaning of the ancient sages, and that the adoption of their commentaries for examinations arrested the country's intellectual development. He also questioned the neoConf ucianists* refutation of Buddhism focusing on its doctrines of salvation and reincarnation, arguing that the Buddhist contribution to humanity and metaphysics supplements those of the Confucian and Taoist traditions. In this case his views reflect the san-chiao (three teachings) synthesis formulated by the Chin philosopher Li Ch'uii-fu (better known as Li P'ing-shan, 1185-1231) and expounded a generation before his day by Ching-lung 景隆(original name Ch'en Tsu-fing 陳祖 庭，1393-1444), a ChEn monk from Soo-chow who exerted considerable influence on the intellectuals of the 15th century. In various ways, therefore, Chu Yiin-ming^ attack on the Ch'eng-Chu school, his unorthodox views on historical personalities, and his advocacy of the san-chiao syncretism provided a source of inspiration for later iconoclastic thinkers such as Li Chih and T*u Lung (qg.v.). As the Japanese scholar Manno Senryu 間野潛龍 points out, Li Chih's categorization of historical personalities and his criteria for praise and blame expounded in his Ts'ang-shu evidently were stimulated by Chu Yiin-ming's writings.<break>Chu was also famous as author of several random jottings on historical and contemporary events and of semifictional miscellanies on prodigies and miraculous<break>happenings. Three of his best known works from the first category are： Ch'eng-hua chien Su-ts'ai hsiao-tsuan 成化間蘇材小 纂(1499), 1 ch., Ch'ien-wen chi 前梅記 (ca. 1500), 1 c%., and Yeh-chi 野記(also known as Chiu-chao 九朝 yeh-chi, 1511), 4 c〃・，all of which are extant. These collections contain a medley of records on and valuable insights into historical and contemporary events, as well as a wide range of notes of a fictional nature, including fabulous tales and heresies. They underscore Chu Yiin-ming's concern for the transmission of worthy records of history, as well as for the preservation of elements of China's heritage, not for blind acceptance but for future evaluation. Despite the charges of critics of their fictional nature, many of the accounts add to the existing sources on the personages and social and political conditions of the Ming dynasty. The first item, CHeng-huQ chien Su-ts'ai hsiao-tsuan, presents a collection of biographies of the eminent people of Soochow by a contemporary author, and adds an important source for the reign chronicles of Chu Ch'i・chen and Chu Chien-shen (qq.v.). The other two titles, despite fictional trappings, also noted for valuable information on the early reigns of the dynasty, particularly on illustrious figures, institutions, and customs, social and political conditions of the Soochow area. The Ch^en-wen c"" for instance, preserves a document on the uprising of Li T'an (d. 1262) during the early Yuan, and another on the launching of the maritime expeditions of Cheng Ho (q.y.) which supplement the standard sources. The Yeh-chi contains a rich collection of notes on the early Ming rulers, particularly those on Chu Yiian-chang and Chu Kao-chih (qq.v.), which not only supplement the official records, but also vividly illustrate the popular impression of the early rulers of the dynasty. Another work in this category that merits attention is the Chiang-hai chien-cKu chi 江海殮渠記，a narrative on the uprising (in 1510) of Liu Liu (see Yang T'ing-ho)<break>CHU Yun-ming<break>[396]<break>in Honan and Shantung that has been highly rated for its historical value. In addition, Chu Yiin-ming left at least three items of semifictional miscellanies： Wei-fan 猥談，Chih-kuai lu 志怪錄，and Yu 語 -kuai. In these he records a number of miraculous and uncanny events and anecdotes that may seem highly improbable; he defended himself, however, by stating that he intended to warn people against indulging in superstition, and to preserve for the record affairs that seem to have been inexplicable in his own day.<break>Otherwise, Chu Yiin-ming was highly reputed in the literary and artistic fields: he was a distinguished essayist, poet, and calligrapher. His essays are characterized by their rich content, creative and ornate style, and elaborate but expressive phraseology. In poetry he emulated the masters of the Six Dynasties and the late T'ang, and developed a refreshing, invigorating style replete with elegant, novel expressions that ranked him as one of the outstanding poets of his time. An example of his poetic creation was the “Ta-yu fu"" 大游賦，a lengthy narrative prose-poem in which he expounded his views and criticism of Confucian orthodoxy and of ancient social and political institutions, interspersed with notes, from antiquity down to the early Ming. He often expressed his joy and sorrow in prosaic and poetic forms; many of these items he dated, thus providing material for his biography.<break>In calligraphy, Chu Yiin-ming's a-chievement was very high. He devoted his lifetime to this art, and outshone his peers by his distinctive styles and prolific output. Early in life Chu Yiin-ming received guidance from his elders and later gained inspiration from his maternal grandfather Hsii Yu-chen in the cursive style, and his father-in-law Li Ying-chen in the regular style. He then emulated the work of early masters from Chung Yu (151-230), Wang Hsi-chih (321-79), Chang Hsii (8th cent.), and the eccentric monk Huai-su (624-97), down to Chao Meng-fu, and developed a variety of<break>styles characteristic of his personality and temperament. In his middle years he per-fected his calligraphy by copying the stone inscriptions of the Han-Wei and Six Dynasties periods, and produced a distinctive running and cursive style in his later lif e. Among the best samples, &c may cite his transcription (1506) of the “Huang-t'ing ching” 黃庭龍 by Wang Hsi-chih and the “Ch'u-shih piao""出師表 (1514) attributed to Chu-ko Liang (181-234). They are characterized by vigorous strokes in a well-assembled composition that exemplify the best in classical Chinese calligraphy. In both the running and cursive styles, in which he followed Chang Hsii and Huai-su, Chu's achievement was outstanding. He wrote with the dash and impulse of a child. His running style is best illustrated by his transcription of the Hsing-ning-hsien chih, and by the Li-sao c&历g 離騷經(1525), and his cursive style by his reproduction (1521) of the illustrious “Chih-p'i 赤壁 fu” attributed to Su Shih, and by his “Ho T'ao Yiian-ming shih” 和陶淵明詩(1525), all of which have been preserved and reproduced in several calligraphy albums. In addition to these items, a sizable number of examples of Chu's calligraphy have been reproduced in albums in Shanghai and in Japan during the early Republican period; many others are preserved in libraries and museums in mainland China, Taiwan, Japan, and the United States. Some of the best representations have been reproduced in such collections as Ku-kung po-wu yuan ts'ang li-tai fashu hsuan^chi故宮博物院藏歷代法書選集; Shanghai po-w〃 kuan 館 ts'ang li-tai fa-shu hsuan-chi; Shodo zenshu 書道全書，and Chinese Calligraphy."
CHU Chieh 居節(T. 士貞，貞士，H.商 谷)，fl. 1531-85, was a native of Soochow, and one of the better-known followers of Wen Cheng-ming (q.v.), the acknowledged leader of the Wu school of painting during the first half cf the 16th century. Chii is said to have studied originally with one of Wen*s sons； his handling of the brush so impressed Wen Cheng-ming that he agreed to accept the young man as his own student. While Ch'ien y-Ku (q.v.), another student of Wen, is reported to have achieved the master's massiveness, Chii Chieh is said to have acquired his elegance. Apparently Chii Chieh maintained a close relationship with several generations of the Wen family. Many of his paintings are inscribed by Wen Cheng-ming and his sons, Wen Chia and Wen P'eng (see Wen Cheng-ming). The latter's son, Wen Chao-chih 文肇祉(T.基聖, H.腐峯，1519-87), inscribed poems on some landscapes by Chii Chieh as late as 1583. Chii excelled in painting landscapes, his work being characterized by relatively simple compositions executed in ink on paper. Small areas of precisely delineated foliage or mountain rocks accentuate larger. areas of light washes or blank paper. The one portra辻 recorded among his paintings is of the patriot Yang Chi-sheng (q.v.) executed in the spring of 1551; in the autumn of the following year, Yang himself added an inscription. In addition to his paintings in private collections, examples of Chii's work are in the National Palace Museum, Taiwan; the Museum for Far Eastern Antiquities, Stockholm; and the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Chii is also mentioned occasionally as a poet. Examples of his verse are found in his inscriptions oh his own paintings； they record the visits of friends or the passage of the seasons; they also make frequent reference to his being in poor health. Ch'ien Ch'ien-i (ECCP) includes sixty-seven of Chii's poems in his Lieh-cWao shih-chi. Apparently Chu Chieh's collection of poetry, entitled Mu-shih chi 牧豕集(The swineherd's col-<break>lection), has never been published.<break>According to Ch'ien Ch'ien・i, Chii Chieh's family was at one time connected with the imperial textile factory in Soochow, one of the three located in Nanking, Soochow, and Hangchow, which furnished silk fof the government and the imperial household. When Sun Lung 孫隆 (d. July 2, 1601), reportedly the eunuch in charge of the Soochow f actory, heard of Chii Chieh's reputation, he summoned the young artist to appear before him. On Chii's refusal to obey, Sun Lung was so furious that he tried to ruin the Chu family. Chii then went to live on scenic Hu-ch^iu 虎丘 Mountain, located northwest of Soochow. According to inscriptions on his paintings, Chii often entertained friends at his cottage there. The name of his studio, Hsing・yen chai 星硯齋,is mentioned in inscriptions dated as early as 1537. '<break>The exact dates of Chips birth and death are unknown. While he is said to have died at 59 or 60 sui; his recorded dated works span the relatively long period from 1531 to 1585. Chii Chieh's sori Chii Mou-shih 懋時，also a painter, continued the Wen family tradition into the early years of the 17th century.
SHEN FU 沈富(T.仲榮)，also known as Shen Wan-san 禽三 and Shen Hsiu 秀, fl. 1360s, was one of the wealthiest men of his day. His family had moved from Wu-hsing 吳興，Chekiang, to Ch'ang-chou 長洲(Soochow) in his grandfather's time. It seems that Shen Fu had accumulated his wealth through business enterprises which might have included foreign trade, although one dissenting source mentions that the family had grown prosperous by applying itself diligently to agriculture. It is very likely that, starting out with vast land holdings, he was able to increase his property spectacularly during the period of turmoil, possibly under the protective wing of Chang Shih-ch'eng (q.v.). What appears to be certain is the fact that when the first Ming emperor Chu Yiian-chang was building his capital at Nanking, Shen was allowed (or forced) to contribute to the enlargement of the city wall, paying, it is said, one-third of the cost. Legend has it that the new South Gate was renamed at that time Chii-pao-men 聚寶門 because Shen's magical treasure-accumulating vessel was buried underneath the site by the emperor's order; it supposedly not only corrected a chronic flooding problem at that spot, but also provided that henceforth no subject in the empire would be able to grow so rich as to rival the imperial house in wealth. It is interesting to speculate how such a myth came to be generated: the gate in -question opens on a view of Chii-pao-shan 山，the name of this hill being current long before the rise of the Ming. Perhaps in the popular mind the story was preserved for its symbolic significance.<break>After helping to build the city wall, Shen offered (or was ordered) to present gifts to the army. At this juncture he incurred the wrath of the emperor, who<break>wanted to have him executed. Only the intervention of Empress Ma (q.v.) saved Shen's life, but his properties were confiscated and he himself exiled to Yunnan, where he passed into oblivion.<break>Shen Fu's younger brother Shen Kuei 貴 survived the early Ming difficulties, prospered, and had a great-grandson Shen Chieh 驗 who entered the bureaucracy by recommendation. While he was glad to accept the title and rank, Shen Chieh, in a tactfully worded memorial, declined the official salary that was due him. Even after three generations, therefore, a note of caution still prevailed in the relations between the Shen family and the house of Ming.
SHEN Shih-hsing申時行(T.汝默，H.瑤泉, 休休居士), 1535-August 23, 1614, official and scholar, was a native of Ch'ang・chou 長洲 in Soochow prefecture. In the provincial examinations of 1561 he placed third, but in the palace examinations the following year he placed first and was forthwith made a compiler of the Hanlin Academy. His ancestral name was Shen but since his grandfather's time the family had used the surname Hsii 徐.It is as Hsii Shih-hsing that his name appears in the chil-jen and chin-shih lists, and also as the author of one of his books: Ch'iin-shu tsuan-ts'ui 羣 書纂粹，8 ch. He did not change his name to Shen until after 1567. In the decade and a half to follow he received a succession of promotions: junior supervisor of instruction and acting head of the Hanlin Academy (1574), grand supervisor of instruction (January, 1577), and later<break>SHEN Shih-hsing<break>[1188]<break>in the same year right vice minister of Rites, then an equivalent office in the ministry of Personnel. One of the tasks which particularly engaged his attention from 1576 on was the revision of the Ta Ming hui-tien (see Hsu P'u), the contents of which were brought down to the year 1585 (from 1549), completed two years later (March 24) in 228 chiian, and subsequently printed in the palace. Several copies of the original edition survive, and the work has recently (1963) been reprinted in Taiwan. His name is associated too with the preparation of the Shih-tsung and Mu-tsung shih-lu, completed respectively in the years 1577 and 1574 under the general editorship of the grand secretary, Chang Chii-cheng (q.v.). The latter was not slow to remark Shen's talents and, when he was about to return home to bury his father in 1578, Chang recommended Shen's appointment as left vice minister of Personnel and grand secretary. Thus did Shen begin his participation at the center of the administration. At the end of 1579 he became minister of Rites and concurrently grand secretary. Three years later he was given the noble titles of junior guardian of the emperor and grand guardian of the heir apparent as part of the celebration of the birth of Chu Ch^ng-lo (ECCP), the emperor's first son.<break>In the first decade of the Wan-li reign, Chang Chii-cheng served as chief grand secretary. Because he found it difficult to tolerate anyone whose views differed from his own, almost all of the officials who were opposed to him were dismissed. When he died in July, 1582, the responsibility of composing imperial orders fell largely on Grand Secretaries Chang Ssu-wei (q.v.) and Shen. Many officials who had opposed Chang Chu-cheng were restored to their posts. This action put Chang Ssu-wei and Shen in good repute. In May, 1583, when Chang Ssu-wei was obliged to return home to mourn the death of his father, the duties of the chief grand secretary fell to Shen Shih-<break>hsing. On October 31 of the same year he was given the titular rank of minister of Personnel with the titles of junior tutor (of the emperor ) and grand tutor of the heir apparent. A year later the titles of junior preceptor and grand preceptor of the heir apparent followed. Since Chang Chii-cheng^ death, the censors and other critics had become outspoken ard often attacked the administration sharply. In the spring of 1584 the censor Chang Wen-hsi 張文熙(cs 1577) memorialized the emperor asking him to rescind four practices in order to prevent the governmental authority from becoming too concentrated in the Grand Secretariat, especially in the hands of a single chief grand secretary. In essence Chang remarked: 1) the personnel reports and records of the six ministries and the Censorate should not be submitted to the Grand Secretariat for reevaluation; 2 ) the appointments and dismissals of the officials of the ministries of Personnel and War should not, one and all, be left to the discretion of the Grand Secretariat; 3) concerning public affairs, supreme commanders, governors, regional inspectors, and so on should not secretly and directly report to the Grand Secretariat and request instruction; and 4) when one grand secretary drafts a suggested rescript for the emperor, he should discuss the matter with all other members of the Grand Secretariat. On Shen's advice the emperor completely rejected Chang's proposals. Later in the year, the right vice minister of Rites, Kao Ch'i-yii 高啓愚(cs 1565), accused of a supposed affront to the throne by Censor Ting Tz'u-Ki 丁此呂(T.右武,cs 1577) was cashiered. Shen, however, sharply rebuked Ting fpr the accusation and in consquence the latter was reduced to the post of prefectural judge of Lu-an 潞安，Shansi. Subsequently Censors Li Chih 李植(T.汝 培，cs 1577) and Chiang Tung-chih 江東 之(T.長信，cs 1577) sought other pretexts to attack Shen directly and in their turn were downgraded (1585) and transferred to distant provinces. From that time on,<break>[1189]<break>SHEN Shih-hsing<break>although the critics were frequently punished for their outspokenness, they continued their attacks on the administration even more energetically.<break>Hoping to win popularity, Shen in 1586 requested the emperor to annul the special regulations for the examination of official merits established by Chang Chii-cheng; this the emperor promptly accepted. Afterwards, among other things, he successively asked the emperor to reduce the amount of silk and cloth annually presented to the palace; to reply to the various memorials submitted by the bureaucracy as soon as possible; and to experiment with rice planting near Peking. Generally speaking, however, he tended to flatter the emperor, and his record in office was undistinguished. During this time, laxity in discipline was setting in, and the laws became less and less respected.<break>At the beginning of 1590, Lo Yii-jen 雒于仁（T.少經，cs 1583）, one of the commentators in the Grand Court of Revision, submitted to the emperor a memorial which included warnings against drinking （酒箴），lust （色箴），greed （財箴），and loss of temper （氣箴）.When he read this, the emperor was incensed. He ordered Shen to quash the memorial and wanted to punish Lo severely. A few days later, however, Shen, with the emperor's concurrence, did not directly reply to Lo's memorial but gave him a hint that he had better resign. In consequence Lo fortunately escaped the emperor's wrath; from that time on the officials generally received no response to their memorials.<break>It had been customary for lectures to be given in the palace for the emperor. At that time, however, these lectures were canceled because the emperor had no interest in them. In the face of this situation, Shen suggested early in 1590 that the papers be submitted to the emperor. In the year 1586, when the emperor's first son, Chu Ch'ang-lo, had reached the age of four, a son named Chu Ch'ang-hsiin was born to the emperor's favorite, Cheng Kuei-fei （q.v.）. Because Chu<break>Ch'ang-lo had not been appointed heir apparent, and the imperial consort was reported as conniving to have her own son so recognized, many officials remonstrated with the emperor and requested that Chu Ch'ang-lo receive the appointment at once. This angered the emperor, so Shen proposed that he issue an order that all suggestions offered to the throne by various officials should be within the limits of their responsibilites and be first submitted to their superiors for review. This order was soon issued, to the annoyance of most of the court.<break>One day in 1590, the emperor gave audience to his sons, Chu Ch'ang-lo and Chu Ch^ng-hsiin, at Yii-te palace 毓德宮， summoning Shen as well to his presence. At this time Shen begged the emperor to make a decision on the succession problem. After pondering for some time, the emperor replied that if for a year no one memorialized on the matter he would appoint Chu Ch'ang-lo heir apparent. Shen promptly passed the word along, urging his colleagues not to irritate the emperor. For this he was repeatedly attacked. When someone deliberately memorialized on the question of the heir apparent before the year was up, Shen could no longer ask the emperor to keep his word. He then begged to retire. Early in 1591 the title of fai-fu 太傅（grand tutor） was conferred on him, and on October 28 of the same year he was allowed to resign from office. It was a decade later that Chu Ch'ang-lo was finally declared heir apparent.<break>After Shen's death at the age of eighty sui, he was posthumously given the official title of grand preceptor and canonized as Wen-ting 文定.A fanciful portrait of his mother dreaming of his success in the palace examinations appears in the Ming chuang-yiian fu k'ao 明狼元圖考.He had three sons arid two daughters. The first son died early； the second, Shen Yung-mou用懋（T.敬中，H.元渚，1560-1638）, a chin-shih of 1583, served as minister of War for a month at the close of 1629; and<break>SHEN Te-fu<break>[1190]<break>the third, Shen Yung-chia 用嘉，a chii-jen of 1582, became an administration vice commissioner of Kwangsi province. One of his grandsons, Shen Shao-fang 紹芳，a chin-shih of 1616, after several promotions rose to be a vice minister of Revenue.<break>Shen Shih-hsing was the author inter alia of Tz'u-hsien-fang chi 賜閒堂集，40 cA., the Lun-fei chien-tu 綸扉簡牘,10 c%., the Lun-fei tsou-ts'ao 奏草，4 ch„ and the Lun-fei ssu-ts'ao 笥草，4 ch., all of which have survived. Copies of the THu-hsien-fang chi, printed in 1616, are still extant. The Hosa Bunko in Nagoya has a copy of his complete works, Shen Wen-ting kung cWuan-chi 全集，68 c〃. Of Shen and the first named work, which is a collection of fu 賦 and shih 詩 in 6 chiian, essays and miscellaneous comments in 34 chiian, the editors of the Ssu-k'u catalogue have this to say： “When he was chief minister he committed no faults, nor was he responsible for any good acts either; his poetry and prose are of the same char-acter.” One poem in the second chiian drew the criticism of the Ch5ien-lung officials (ca. 1780) and was ordered expunged. It had to do with a picture of someone passing beyond the frontier on a fine autumn day.
"SUN L«ou孫樓（T.子虛，H .百川），Sep-tember 21，1515■-January 18，1584，biblio-phile, official, and man of letters, came from a cultured and wealthy family of Ch’ang-shu 常熟，Soochow. From the time of his great-grandfather, Sun Ai 艾 （T. 世節，H .西川居士，端陽子，	ld5af】tfe（r「<break>1526）, this branch of the Sun clan established and kept up a tradition of book collecting for several generations. Sun Ai had two sons, Sun Lei 耒 and Sun Chou 舟 （a chin-shih of 1517）, who between them had eight sons, whom the grandfather named by number, I-yiian 一元，Er-i 二儀，San-ts’ai 三才，Ssu-hsiang 四象，Wu-ch’ang 五常，Liu-i 六藝，Ch’i-cheng 七政 and Pa-shih 八士. Of the eight, Sun Ch’i-cheng ,（T .齊^：，H.滄浪生），became best known; he had literary accomplishments, and left a collection of works entitled Sung-yiin■-f ang chi 松韻堂集，12 ch., which received a notice in the Ssu-k’u Imperial Catalogue.<break>Sun Lou was Sun I_yiian、s son and Sun Chou’s grandson. His father died when Sun Lou was only five sui. The boy was precocious and devoted to his mother （nee Miao綴，d. 1582） throughout her long life. Participating in the provincial examinations conducted in Nanking in 1546, he emerged with the chii-jen degree. Like his uncle, Sun Ch’i-cheng however, he was frustrated in the metropolitan competition. Over a period of twenty years, after seven tries, he finally gave up, and decided to take an official position in the provinces. In 1568 he received an appointment as a prefectural judge of Hu-chou 湖州，Chekiang，a lucrative post. He seems to have proved himself a conscientious administrator, and served several times as acting magistrate to fill in the temporary vacancies in that prefecture. His ability as a writer enhanced his prestige as an official. At this<break>time both Li P’an-lung and Wang Shih-chen {qq. v.），leading poets of that era, officiating in Chekiang, made special acknowledgement of his literary ability. Around 1573 he was ordered transferred to Han-chung 漢中，Shensi. Taking it as a sign qf demotion, Sun Lou resigned and retired. About his lack of success in the examinations and his official career he wrote the essays “Chi-ch’u” 紀黑出 and “Hou 後 Chi-ch’u.” At home he pursued his long cherished bibliographical interests and expanded his library.<break>As early as 1550 he had already amassed a collection of some ten thousand chiian of books and drafted a classified catalogue, the Po-ya-t’ang ts ’ang-shu m厶u1-丿lu博雅堂藏書目錄 （possibly never printed）, divided into twenty categories. In 1565 he built his library Chi-ts’e kuei 兀册庋 and wrote a short account about it. From his preface to the catalogue, which is included in his collected works, we learn that his family library was destroyed three times before 1550. Refusing to be discouraged, he continued collecting. Whenever the book boats （書船） arrived, he reported, he always got on before others, and stayed on and on until even the book dealers considered him a nuisance. In traveling to Nanking or Peking at examination times, he always visited the book shops. If he chanced to obtain some rare items, he would treasure them, not minding any overpayment. He further tells us that neither winter cold nor summer heat prevented him from reading his books. Usually some member of his family had to call him to dinner, or announce to him that it was time to retire. His concern over the future of his library also seems to have been more liberal than that of some contemporary bibliophiles. He declared that after him, if his direct descendants could not read the books, he would not mind their giving them to relatives or friends who could, or placing them in government schools, or somewhere in the mountains to wait for people who later would be able to read them.<break>SUN P^i-yang<break>[1218]<break>Fortunately, he had worthy descendants to carry on the book-loving tradition . A grandson, Sun Yin-chia 胤伽(T.唐卿，伏 生工 and a .great-gTeat-grandson, Sum Chiang 江(工岷自，d. ca. 1664), were both known as ranking bibliophiles of their time.<break>Sun Lou is said to have been witty and jovial, and to have had a good knowledge of music. His collected literary works are entitled Po-ch'uan chi 百川集， 12 cA., first printed in 1620. He also left a small dictionary of unusual words im the Soochow dialect, giving pronunciation and meaning, entitled Wu-yin c^i^zu 吳音奇 字<break>Sun Ch'Lcheng's branch of the family continued the scholarly tradition for several generations. Sun Ch'i-cheng's sons were known for their poetic abilities., and one of them, Sun Sen 森，was a chii-jen of 1606. His grandson, Sun Ch'ao-su血肅(T.恭甫，or功父),was a chin-shih of 1616, and another Sun C^ao-jang 讓(T・光甫)，was a chin-shih of 1631. His two great-grandsons, Sun Hsiao-jo 孝若 (known by his tzu, ming unknown) and Sun Fan 藩(T.孝雅)，both left bibliographic notes in some of the books they had read.<break>Sun Lou's father, Sun I-yuan, had a name identical with that of the poet, Sun I-yiian孫一元(T.太初，H.太白山人， 1484-1520), whose collection of literary writings, entitled T^ai-po shan-jen man-kao 太白山人漫稿，was copied into the Ssu-k'u Library. There is also an element of mystery concerning this second Sun I-yUan's background, because of a confusion in the records about his origin. In some accounts it is indicated that he called himself a native of Shensi, but in others it is intimated that he may have been a descendant of the imperial family from the branch of the rebel prince of An-hua, Chu Chih-fan (see Yang T'ing-ho); still others consider that he may ha、e been an illegitimate son of a prince of Ch'in 秦 by a mother of ill-repute."
SUNG KI 宋克(T.仲溫，H.南宮生), 1327-87, poet, calligrapher, painter, and official, was a native of Ch'ang-chou 長洲 in Soochow prefecture. As a youth zhe behaved in a non-conformist and unrestrained manner. Tall in stature, he was fond of riding, fencing, and shooting with a crossbow. At the same time, however, he read widely in history and literature. His family was wealthy, but he squandered his fortune in entertaining his friends, with whom he drank and gambled.<break>When he reached maturity, he disassociated himself from his boon companions and studied military strategy. Then he traveled north and apparently served on the staff of some frontier commander. Kao Ch'i (q.v.), in his biography of Sung, entitled Nan-kung-sheng chuan 傳(which is the principal source of information about Sung and to which later biographical notes have added little), says vaguely that, after having mastered the Feng Hou wo・ch'i chen fa風后握奇陳法 (also known as Wo-ch'i ching 經，a book on strategy purporting to have been written by Feng Hou, a minister of the mythical Yellow Eipperor, but probably a<break>forgery of the Sung period), and as he was about to go north and join other men of like mind and discuss plans for action, Sung found no one with whom he could cooperate. In one of Kao's poems, however, he addresses him as “Military adviser Sung” and refers explicitly to the latter's having served a general in Yen 燕 and helped guard the border. The title of the poem is “Ch'ou Sung chiin-tzu chien-chi" 酬宋軍咨見寄(In reply to military adviser Sung who has sent me a poem), and the lines in question read in translation, “When he completed his studies he served a Yen general, and guarded the Three Passes on the remote frontier”(業成事燕 將，遠戍三關營)• It seems that in the biography Kao was being deliberately vague so as to cover up the fact that Sung had served under the Yiian, whereas in the poem addressed to Sung himself there was of course no reason to be circumspect. Sung's brief military career is further confirmed by a line from one of his own poems, “Serving in the army is also unsatisfactory” (從軍事亦非). But we have no information as to whom he served under or for how long. Subsequently Sung traveled to Chekiang and other places before returning to Soochow, probably sometime before 1356. There he became one of the famous Ten Friends of the North Wall (see Hsii Pen), the group of talented young men centered around Kao Ch'i. Sung also associated with many others of both high and low social standing. He was frank and argumentative, and often admonished his friends. Once he subdued two bullying generals by a quiet demonstration of strength.<break>When Chang Shih-ch'eng (q.v.) rebelled against the Yiian, Sung privately predicted the outcome of Chang's military operations, and most of his predictions came true. Chang wished to recruit Sung to his own staff, but the latter declined. This annoyed Chang who tried to frame him, but Sung saved himself by clever maneuvering. Kao is again vague about the circumstances surrounding this episode, but<break>SUNG Li<break>[1224]<break>it seems that Sung became impoverished as a result, although he continued to behave in an expansive and hospitable manner to friends and strangers alike. Later he grew tired of social activities and shut himself in a room full of antiques and books, amusing himself with writing poetry and practicing calligraphy.<break>At the beginning of the Ming, Sung was summoned to court to be a calligra-pher-in-waiting at the Hanlin Academy. Then he served as deputy prefect of Feng-hsiang 鳳翔 in Shensi. According to the Ming-shih, he died at his post, but the Min^-shu states that he gave up his post before his death.<break>Sung was a well-known poet but his poetry was scarce even at the beginning of the Ch'ing period, when Chu I-tsun (ECCP) compiled the Ming-shih tsung. The two poems, both entitled “Thinking of my brothers on an autumn day,>, included in the Lieh-cKao shih-chi by Ch'ien Ch^en-i (ECCP), seem to be the only ones still extant. These are written in a simple and direct style reminiscent of the early T'ang. As a calligrapher, Sung practiced various styles, but excelled particularly in the chang-ts'ao 章草， which had not been in vogue for a long time and which he brought back into fashion. He and another calligrapher, Sung Kuang 宋 廣(工 昌裔)，were often referred to as the Two Sung. Chu Yun-ming (g.v.) writes of Sung K'o's calligraphy： "Seeing it is like viewing ancient ritual bronzes; it must be the result of natural talent rather than human effort." An example of his calligraphy, “Kung yen shih”公燕詩(Poem on an official banquet) by Liu Chen (d. 217), is now in the Palace Museum in Taiwan. Another is in the collection of John M. Crawford, Jr., New York. As a painter, Sung confined himself to bamboos and is credited with having initiated the technique of painting them in vermilion. A handscroll by him entitled Wan-chu fu 萬竹圖 (A myriad of bamboos), an ink painting on paper, dated 1369, is now in the Freer Gallery, Washington, D. C.
"WANG Chih-teng王樨登(T.伯穀，百穀, 伯固，H.長生館主)，1535-1612, poet and calligrapher, was a native of Ch'ang・chou<break>長州(Soochow). He demonstrated his gifts at a tender age. After becoming a hsiu-ts'ai, he visited Peking in 1564. Here he became the house guest of Yuan Wei (see Liang Meng-lung), a grand secretary. One day Yuan gave a written test to Hanlin bachelors, asking each to compose a verse on the purple peony. None met his approval; but when Wang wrote one, it, in Yiian's opinion, surpassed the others. As a consequence, Yuan employed him as a private secretary and recommended him to be an editor in the Imperial Library. Unfortunately his patron soon passed away, and Wang returned home. In 1567 he revisited Peking. By this time Hsii Chieh (q.v・)，who had never liked Yuan Wei, had become grand secretary. So his friends advised Wang Chih-teng not to let his old relations with Yuan become known, but he retorted: ""Why shouldn,t I? Friendship is friendship. It is everlasting,** and he proceeded to publish two poetical works: Yen-shih chi 燕市集 and K'o-yueh chi 客越集，both reflecting on his association with Yiian.<break>Following the death of Wen Cheng-ming (g.v.), Wang Chih-teng played a leading role among the literary circles of Soochow for some thirty years. Another cultural leader in the area was Wang Shih-chen (q.v.). According to Ch'ien Ch'ien-i (ECCP), there were three significant poets without official distinction at this time, namely： Shen Ming-ch'en沈明臣 (T.嘉則)，a distant relative of Shen I-kuan (q.v.), Wang Shu-ch'eng 王叔承(T. 承父，H.子幻)，and Wang Chih-teng. Of these, Wang Chih-teng was preeminent. Shen Shih-hsing (q.v.), now living in retirement in Soochow, highly appreciated Wang Chih-teng's talents, and frequently met with him to compose poems. Wang Shih-chen was also a friend, but their views on literature were divergent. Wang Shih-chen listed Wang Chjh-teng as only one of the forty literati of his time. After the former's death, his second son Wang Shih-su (see Wang Shih-chen) suffered imprisonment. Wang Chih-teng did everything<break>WANG Chih-teng<break>[1362]<break>possible to effect his release. His behavior made him greatly esteemed. He was fond of conversing with friends, often chatting until midnight. People gathered around him, listening to his stories with untiring interest. In Soochow only Shen Shih-hsing’s house was as crowded as Wang Chih-teng’s. As he was a well-known calligrapher, tourists coming from distant parts usually paid him a courtesy call and treasured his writings as a souvenir.<break>In the reign of Emperor Chu I-chun (q.v. )， Grand Secretary Chao Chih-kao (see Shen I-kuan) recommended Wang Chih-teng5s participation in the compilation of the national history, but the suggestion was not carried out. According to Chang Hsiian (q. v.), Wang Chih-teng declined the offer. He spent the rest of his life at home, pursuing his literary work. When he was sixty-nine years of age, he met his former paramour, Ma Hsiang-lan 馬湘蘭(original name 馬守眞 T .玄黌，玄兒， H.月嬌，1548-1604)， a courtesan in Nanking. She had made a name for herself by painting orchids and bamboos and writing poems. In former days Ma Hsiang-lan once expressed a wish to marry him, but Wang Chih-teng declined. Now she was fifty-six. In honor of Wang’s birthday, she arranged a big celebration in Fei-hsii yiian飛絮園(Garden of willow catkins), where drinking, writing, and revelry lasted almost a whole month. The story came to be described in an opera entitled Pai-lien ch ’iin 白練裙 written by Cheng Chih-wen 鄭之文(T. 豹先) . The main theme, however, related the romance of T’u Lung (^.v.) and a courtesan named K’ou Ssu-er 寇四兒 (original name 寇文華)• Both T’u Lung and Wang Chih-teng were old friends, then sojourning in Nanking. In the same year Ma Hsiang-lan breathed her last quietly and serenely after a long prayer. She was a devout Buddhist. Her poetical works were printed in 2 chiian with a preface by Wang Chih-teng, who also wrote 12 stanzas as an elegy. Ma Hsiang-<break>lan wrote one opera as well. Neither of these is extant.<break>Wang Chih-teng was survived by several sons, his youngest Wang Liu g (T .亦房) was a poet. His daughter was wedded to Wen Yiian-shan 文元善(T .子 長，H.虎丘，1554-89 )，son of Wen Chia {see Wen Cheng-ming). Wang Chih-teng wrote this epigram on the tomb of Wen Yiian-shan: “His painting is of the first quality, and so also is his poetry.” Ch’ien Ch’ien-i，in penning the short biographical sketch of Wang Chih-teng, wrote: “When I reached thirty sui, I was informed that Mr. Wang was still in good health. We were acquainted with each other, but never met. I regret now that I missed his fine companionship.” In his Ming anthology, Ch^ien Ch’ien-i selected 203 poems from Wang Chih-teng’s works. But Chu I-tsun (ECCP) thought the selection too generous. He remarked： “Wang Chih-teng’s poems are bred in the flesh rather than in the bones.” In any case his poetical writings are voluminous, being published under various titles, such as Chin-ling chi 晉陵集，2 ch., Chin-ch，ang 金 ^ chi, 4 ch., Yii-hang chi 雨航集， 1 ch ” etc., running to 15 titles. His complete works were known as Wang Pai-ku chi彳白 穀集，24 ch. (Another edition is in 38 chiian.') In the 18th century, this was ordered burned, but some copies are still preserved today in China and Japan. The copy in the Library of Congress is incomplete.	^<break>Wang Chih-teng’s letters were printed under the title M ou-yeh 謀野 chi，10 ch. (The copy in the Library of Congress is in 4 chuang The sketchbooks, bearing various titles and describing travel, hobbies, etc., have been reprinted in many collectanea. Wu~she pien 吳ft編，1 ch., gives account of religious customs in Soochow. Wu-chiin tan-ch ’ing chih 吳郡丹靑志，1 ch .， comments on the famous painters of Soochow, with Shen Chou (《.v.) topping the list. I-shih 突史，1 ch ” is a short history of the game of chess. These three the editors listed in the Ssu-k'u catalogue,<break>[1363]<break>WANG Chin<break>but failed to include in the Imperial Library.<break>During this golden age of K'un-ch'ii 崑曲，when T'ang Hsien-tsu (ECCP) and Liang Ch'en・yii (q.v.) were making great strides in their art, Wang Chih-teng also wrote one opera known as Ch'iian-te chi 全德記，and in collaboration with Chang Ch，i張琦(T.楚叔，H•騷隱居士)compiled an anthology of san-ch頂散曲 (dramatic lyrics), entitled Wu-sao chi 吳騷集，1 ch. Later Chang Ch'i and his younger brother, Chang Hsii-ch'u 旭初，expanded the book to 4 chuan, and called it Wu~sao ho-pien. Another opera by the name of Ts'ai-p'ao chi 彩袍記 carries the name of Wang Chih-teng as the author, but there is no proof of this attribution.<break>In calligraphy Wang Chih-teng's writing was chiefly influenced by Wen Cheng-ming. It is noted for its harmony. His fame as a calligrapher was equal to that of Chou Fien-chlu 周天球(T.公瑕, H.幼海，1514-95), a close disciple of Wen Cheng-ming. Chou T'ien-ch'iu, however, was asked to write more stone inscriptions than Wang Chih-teng. They were firm friends, although sometimes they made fun of each other. While Chou T^en-ch^u compared Wang Chih-teng's handwriting to a praying mantis extending its feelers, Wang Chih-teng retorted that Chou's writing looked like an earthworm groveling in the mud. The well-known art critic and author, Liang Chang-chiL (ECCP), once kept two examples of calligraphy, known as Lin lan-fing chou 臨蘭亭範 (imitation of the Lan-fing scroll), one by Wang Chih-teng written at the age of seventy-seven sui, and the other by Chou T'ien-ch'iu written at the age of sixtyseven sui. The handwriting on both scrolls, commented Liang Chang-chii, was forceful and exquisite, showing no sign of senility. It appears that both were competing also for calligraphic honors."