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PROFESSIONAL NOTES
PREPARED BY
LIEUTENANT COMMANDER H. W. UNDERWOOD, U. S. NAVY
FROM MAY 7 TO JUNE 7
GENERAL ARRANGEMENT
GREAT BRITAIN .......
FRANCE ..........
GERMANY .......
UNITED STATES ...
ENGINEERING .
AVIATION
TION .................
MERCHANT MARINE........
MISCELLANEOUS ......
CURRENT NAVAL AND PROFESSIONAL PAPERS.........
I 249
1258
1265
1267
1274.
1286
..
.
.....
.....
...........................
1294
1303
1311
1303
GREAT BRITAIN
Naval Shipbuilding Requirements
The Engineer, 15 May, 1925.-All who appreciate the importance of naval
defense will welcome the new shipbuilding program which the government
is expected to introduce before the Parliament adjourns for the summer
recess. We have put off till the very last moment the provision of new
ships to replace those which are past their prime, and the result is that
our present-day fleet, though sufficiently imposing on paper, contains a
large proportion of second-rate vessels, deficient in speed, armament, and
other essential qualities. Particularly is this the case with our cruisers, of
which no more than a dozen compare at all favorably with representative
ships under foreign flags. The hope that other powers, noticing the virtual
suspension of naval shipbuilding by this country, would refrain from ex-
panding their respective fleets, has not been fulfilled. While it might be
premature to speak of a new race for naval supremacy, there is an un-
mistakable tendency abroad to multiply vessels of which the aggregate
tonnage is not restricted by the Washington Treaty. Cruisers, destroyers,
submarines—all may be built without limit as to number, and since the
relative combatant worth of such craft has been substantially increased by
the reduction of battle fleets, a certain temptation exists to develop these
types on a liberal scale; hence, the large program of so-called "auxiliary"
construction which have come into effect since the Washington Conference.
Taking cruisers alone, it will be found that the five leading powers have
legislated since that event for a total of forty new cruisers, and of this
number only seven are being built for the British Empire. In destroyers
and submarines the British ratio of new tonnage is very much lower. Hay-
ing regard to the magnitude of our sea interests, it is clearly impossible for
us to remain passive in the face of this progressive decline in our naval
p. 1250 (#158) #
1250
| July
U. S. Naval Institute Proceedings
power. Imperative as the demand may be for economy in state expenditure,
it must not be allowed to override the urgent needs of national defense.
In the case of the navy retrenchment has already been carried to the extreme
limit. From now on it will pay us better to invest money in new ships than
to spend it on the upkeep of material which is largely inefficient.
A study of the Navy List shows that about a score of the cruisers re-
tained for service has ceased to be effective for war purposes. Probably
these vessels would have been paid off long since, but for the shortage of
cruising ships of any description. As it is, they must continue to serve
until replaced by something better, but the expenditure of large sums year
by year on ships of inferior fighting value is bad policy from every point of
view. Thanks to the patriotic action of the Australian Government in or-
dering two ships, seven major cruisers of post-war design will eventually
be at the disposal of the Empire. These, however, can be regarded only as
the nucleus of our future cruising feet, which the Admiralty considers
should attain a strength of fifty-two units. This estimate may be revised
by the government committee which has been investigating the whole ques-
tion of ship replacement, though in our judgment it errs, if at all, on the
moderate side. Whether all the new cruisers should be of the 10,000-ton
type which the Washington Agreement has practically standardized is a
problem of some importance. While is is true that most of the foreign
vessels now under construction belong to this class, both Japan and France
have built ships of considerably smaller dimensions. Cruisers of 10,000
tons seem to us unnecessarily large for duty with the battle fleet, for which
function ships of reduced displacement would probably be of equal use
and much less expensive. It is to be hoped, therefore, that our construc-
tors will not acquire the habit of regarding the maximum tonnage allowed
by the treaty as the basic figure for all new cruiser designs. For reasons
which may be cogent enough-though they are not very obvious to the
uninitiated—the Admiralty chooses to observe a great deal of mystery about
the ships now in hand. We can only trust that this policy of reticence will
be justified by results, but past experience with ships built in a similar
atmosphere of secrecy has not been encouraging. The three French cruisers
of the Duguay-Trouin class, although laid down after the treaty, have a
normal displacement of only 7,900 tons. High speed is their main feature,
to achieve which both armament and protection have been sacrificed. Their
speed is 34.5 knots, they mount eight 6.1-inch guns, and armor is non-
existent save for thin decks and splinter-proof gun turrets. Acclaimed at
the date of inception as wholly admirable, the design has since been con-
demned by some of the foremost French critics. Of greater interest are
the four Japanese cruisers of the Furutaka class, the nameship of which
was put afloat in February and the Kako last month. Displacing only
7,100 tons, they have a legend speed of 33 knots, and are armed with six
8-in guns, so disposed as to permit of a full discharge on either beam and
a bow fire of four guns. In planning these ships Japanese designers seem
to have moved out of the rut in which some of their foreign colleagues
are apparently content to remain. There is not, nor has there even been, any
technical objection to arming a ship of moderate size with a few heavy
guns, instead of a greater number of lighter pieces. Volume of fire was,
no doubt, the cardinal factor in former years, when control methods were
of the crudest, and a ship of fine lines, apt to be lively in a seaway, could not
hope to make effective use of slow-firing ordnance of heavy caliber. But
today, when the gun of medium caliber can be worked as easily, and dis-
charged almost as rapidly, as the quick firer of an earlier period, and when,
moreover, improved systems of fire control ensure a reasonable percentage
of hits under difficult conditions, the cast iron rule of equipping light
cruisers with no guns above 6-inch caliber is, or ought to be, discredited.
p. 1251 (#159) #
1925]
1251
Professional Notes
By disregarding this obsolete rule Japanese designers have evolved in the
Furutaka a ship of considerably greater fighting power than contemporary
vessels of equal and even superior tonnage. Compared with her, the 7,500-
ton American cruisers of the Omaha group, with their twelve 6-inch guns,
appear to disadvantage, and our own ships of the E class—7,600 tons and
seven 6-inch guns—are still worse. Unless the experience derived from
the late war is utterly misleading, neither the Omaha nor the Enterprise
would stand a sporting chance in a duel with the smaller Japanese ship.
We cite the Furutaka merely as a specimen of what may be done on a much
smaller displacement than 10,000 tons, without suggesting that replicas of
the design should be laid down for the British fleet, though it does seem to
us that ships of this class would be more useful than vessels like the Enter-
prise and Emerald. The only British cruising ship that approximates to the
Furutaka in size is the Adventure, which is primarily designed for mine-
laying. Her displacement is 7,260 tons, but although she was launched
nearly a year ago, details of her speed and armament are still withheld by
the naval authorities.
In addition to cruisers, the forthcoming program is expected to make
provision for destroyers and submarines. Of the first named we have 195
boats. Half of them were built during the war, and their normal span
of "life" has been curtailed by the strenuous service they were called upon
to perform. Actually, therefore, we have only about 100 destroyers that
are thoroughly efficient. The design of future boats must perforce be in-
Suenced by current progress abroad, which is all in the direction of increased
tonnage and heavier armament. The new French flotilla leaders, of which
twenty-one are under construction and projected, are vessels of 2,360 tons,
with a speed of 35.5 knots, armed with five 5.1-inch guns. There are no
leaders as powerful as this in our service. Japan, also, is reported to be
planning a series of new "destroyers,” to displace no less than 3,000 tons
and to carry several 5.5-inch guns. The value of the destroyer as an anti-
dote to the submarine was so clearly demonstrated in the late conflict that
the need for maintaining an adequate force of vessels of that type scarcely
requires emphasis. It is true that the Washington Agreement seeks to ban
submarine attacks on merchant shipping, but one of the leading powers
has still to ratify this particular clause of the treaty, and parchment safe-
guards are not, in any case, always effective in time of war. Finally, we
have fewer submarines than either the United States or Japan, though the
type is one clearly destined to play an important part in naval strategy.
A strong case could be presented for laying down a dozen or more new
submarines of large dimensions, to be employed as patrol ships or convoy
guards, on the oceanic trade routes which form the arteries of the Empire.
Apart from the obsolete K class, we have at present only five or six sub-
marines capable of undertaking this essential duty. There will, no doubt,
be an outcry in some quarters when the new shipbuilding program appears,
for the cost is bound to be heavy, but the bill must be faced unless the
country is prepared to sacrifice its sea power, which is synonymous with
its safety, welfare and prosperity.
The Value of Hong-kong
By Sir Herbert Russell, The Naval and Military Record. 15 April, 1925.
- I confess that I have never been quite clear as to why the British Gov-
ernment acquiesced so readily at the Washington Conference in the sug-
gested restriction with regard to Hong-kong as a naval base. They agreed
that no more development work should be undertaken; that the dockyard
resources of the place should remain just as they were. Was this conces-
sion intended to ensure sanction to the Singapore scheme? Was it designed
p. 1252 (#160) #
1252
[July
U. S. Naval Institute Proceedings
as a generous gesture to the United States in return for her readiness to
undertake no further fortification of the bases of Manila and Yap? The
former seems a very probable explanation. The latter is a matter which
could have little direct concern for us. But, then, neither could our policy
with regard to Hong-kong have any direct concern for the United States.
Ever since we "acquired” possession of it Hong-kong has been our
dominant naval base in the Far East. At the beginning of the present cen-
tury we had a battle fleet based upon it, consisting of six ships of the Glory
class and the two Barfleurs. The political and strategical reasons which
brought about a reduction of the China fleet to a very small squadron are
a matter of common knowledge, and I do not propose to refer further to
them than to point out that they no longer exist. The need for naval con-
centration in European waters seems very unlikely to recur in our time.
Our alliance with Japan has been abrogated—very unfortunately, I venture
to think. Japan, faced with what she imagined to be a prospect of isolation,
has now entered into a treaty with Soviet Russia, of the full extent of
which we have no knowledge. Whatever the significance of that compact
may be, one thing is certain : it cannot be anything like so friendly to Brit-
ish interests as as the Anglo-Japanese Treaty.
It was during the days when the British China fleet was, relatively, a
very great force that Hong-kong developed to its present position. Of
course, a great deal of work has been done since, but the general scheme of
the modern naval establishment was evolved during that period. The idea
was to make the port a battleship base of the first order. But, just as even
greater and more important undertakings, such as the Keyham extension
of Devonport Dockyard, have been outclassed within two decades by the
extraordinary growth in warship dimensions, so has Hong-kong failed to
realize this original purpose. The Admiralty No. 1 Dock is 555 feet long,
with 95 feet width of entrance, and 39 feet of water over the sills. It is
therefore inadequate to receiving any capital ship remaining on the effective
list. The New Dock at Quarry Bay, belonging to Messrs. Butterfield and
Swire, is 750 feet long, 88 feet wide, and 34.5 feet of water over the sills,
so that no ship with blister bulges could look at it. The Kowloon Dock is
700 feet long, 86 feet wide, with 30 feet of water. The Hope and Cosmo-
politan Docks are only able to accommodate small cruisers and other craft
of comparatively light displacement.
When I was last in Hong-kong, about two years ago, I was told that
there was no engineering difficulty in the way of developing the big docks
to a degree which would render them equal to any demands ever likely to be
imposed. That such development would have been entered upon, sooner or
later, is pretty certain, otherwise the restrictions of the Washington Agree-
ment under this head become merely pointless.
In point of strategic position it is frequently stated that Hong-kong
cannot compare with Singapore. But strategic position in relation to what?
The tendency to talk in generalities about what really depends entirely upon
specific circumstances is apt to lead to very indefinite conclusions. It is
useless to mince matters in defining strategic values. Both Hong-kong and
Singapore are naval bases of first class importance only in the supposition
of war with a great naval power in the Pacific. There is only one great
naval power whose natural war zone lies in the Pacific, and that is Japan.
Unless we are prepared to visualize the possibility of a conflict with Japan
it becomes almost impossible to estimate the relative strategical values of
Hong-kong or Singapore. Such a war is not going to be brought about
merely by contemplating it as a conceivable event. On the contrary, realiza-
tion of it and preparation for it (under the mask of as much polite camou-
flage as we please) are very much more likely to avert it than the easier
course of declaring it to be "unthinkable.”
p. 1253 (#161) #
1925]
1253
Professional Notes
Two broad aspects have to be considered in relation to any question of
the value of a war base. The first is its geographical advantages, as deter-
mined by the probable zone of the active struggle, for the conduct of opera-
tions. The second is the ability to hold it against attempts at capture or
* destruction, which would be the obvious objective of the enemy. As to
operations, the character of these would be dictated in no small measure by
the situation and resources of the base itself. Distance is a governing
factor in strategy.
If it comes to a question of choice between Hong-kong and Singapore
under the conditions of such a presumptive war as to render both of them
bases of first-rate consequence, I think there can be little difficulty in de-
ciding in favor of Singapore. Hong-kong may present certain features of
advantage over the Malaya Island, but by the test of points the balance is
altogether in favor of the latter.
I confess that the Yellow Peril, in the accepted sense of the term, has
never much impressed me. It may become a sinister reality some day, but
that some day is so remote that we may leave worrying about it to posterity.
So far from China and Japan showing any signs of a future coalescence,
forming a threat to the peace of the White World, they are very antag-
onistic just now, but, in order to avoid too pointed a reference to a country
with which we are living on the most friendly relations, let me speak of the
Pacific objective—that objective out of which the Singapore scheme and
Australia's active naval policy have arisen-as the Yellow Peril.
A conflict with the Yellow Peril means not only war upon our commerce
traversing the Pacific, but a tremendous menace to India and Australia, as
well as to numerous lesser territories of the Empire. Indeed, such a war,
should it ever come to pass, would most likely arise out of an attempt at
forcible penetration of Australian terrain under the plea of sheer necessity
to find an outlet for over-population. There are other perfectly possible
causes of war; this is the most definite and the most probable one.
Singapore is more favorably seated than Hong-kong for countering any
naval descent from the China Sea. Moreover, it is a reasonable assump-
tion that the preliminary move to any such descent would be an attempt to
either capture or destroy Hong-kong. The place would not be easy to
defend against a strong military expedition, and with Kowloon in the occu-
pation of the enemy the island would be untenable as a naval base. It
would be the experience of Port Arthur over again.
Singapore is all but invulnerable against attack by land. In the first
place, the peninsula off the southern extremity of which it lies is a British
dominion, and in the second place it would be singularly difficult ground for
military operations on a big scale. The railway and main communications
are frequently within easy reach of long-range gunfire from the sea, and
are closely bordered by dense forests and jungles. A Yellow Peril fleet, in
order to attack Singapore, would have to steam nearly 3,000 miles from
its home bases—too great a distance altogether for capital ship operations,
which might reasonably be expected to extend over a considerable time. In
fact, it would be like carrying out an attack upon New York with Plymouth
as a base.
So in any attempt to estimate the relative values of Hong-kong and
Singapore as first class naval bases we must take into account this very
important question of the ability to hold either in the event of war with the
Yellow Peril. Hong-kong is better situated, strategically, for the delivery
of swift offensive operations, because it is more on the spot. But the
necessity to be on the defensive would be much more urgent than in the
case of Singapore, and to this extent geographical advantage would be more
than neutralized.
p. 1254 (#162) #
1254
(July
U. S. Naval Institute Proceedings
The decision to develop Singapore as the British fleet base of the Pacific
does not imply any minimizing of the value of Hong-kong. We are cer-
tainly not going to give up the latter place because we are making more
of the former. As a point d'appui for submarine and destroyer operations
and for aircraft concentration it would be of vital importance in a Yellow
Peril war-so long as we could continue to hold it. But, it is just because
of this vital importance that we may be sure the Yellow Peril legions
(which we must assume to be as well equipped for war as the White World
legions) would spare no effort to wrest it from us.
As long as it were possible to materialize the traditional doctrine of
the British Navy, to seek out the enemy and attack him swiftly, Hong-
kong has strategical claims superior to those of Singapore, but, when we
pass to the phase of protective warfare, the Malaya base holds the superior
position. It is so much further down the flank of any great movement of
descent, either upon Australia or India, by the Yellow Peril forces that,
in addition to the great enforced extension of their line of retreat on being
brought to action (how valuable this would have proved at Jutland!), the
scope for heading-off tactics is so much more favorable. In a sketchy
way it may be said that Hong-kong would figure more as a base for
chasing, and Singapore for intercepting.
My reference to the possibility of a Yellow Peril descent upon India may
call forth a smile of incredulity, but this idea is no mere figment of fancy,
devised to form a theme upon which to write. During four months of
touring India I was astonished to find how openly and widely the coming
of the Yellow Peril conquerors is being proclaimed, and believed in, in the
native bazaars. I do not suggest that there is any organized government
propaganda in all this, but it must be perfectly well known to the Indian
authorities that there are countless Japanese moving about in the great
cities, telling the credulous Hindus what good times they will have and
how much more prosperous they will be "when we come here as the mas-
ters of India." Perhaps we can afford to laugh at this. A good many of us
laughed very derisively at the idea of the German menace until the bolt fell.
We yet have to see whether the Soviet-Japanese Treaty may not presently
give a new aspect to the value of Hong-kong. The difficulty about accept-
ing such restrictions as are imposed by the Washington Agreement is that
things have to be taken as they then are. It is impossible to foresee changes
which may alter the whole complexion of world affairs. The United States
is realizing this in regard to the prohibition to further fortify or improve
either Manila or Yap. Circumstances alter cases, and the point of view of
today may be radically different from the point of view of tomorrow. Six
months ago the British Government would have ratified the Geneva Protocol
with a loud murmur of self-gratulation. A few weeks ago the British
Government announced that the Geneva Protocol—so far as this country
is concerned- has never been anything more than stillborn.
Cups and Saucers for Seamen
The Naval and Military Record, 6 May, 1925.—The announcement that
cups and saucers are to replace the traditional mess bowl in the Royal Navy
is a very minor matter in itself, but it opens up a distinctly interesting line
of reflection. The customs of the sea have long been one of the great
attractions of the sea life. No disinterested man will pretend that a ham-
mock is as comfortable to sleep in as a four-poster bed, or that being
routed out of the aforesaid hammock in order to stand the middle watch is
as pleasant as all-night in, or that a sheath knife is quite as nice as an ivory-
handled blade, accompanied by an electro-plated fork as a means of attack-
ing bully beef. Yet the youthful imagination finds a glamor of romance
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Professional Notes
in the idea of all this picturesque unconventionality, and the youthful imag-
ination means a tremendous asset in recruiting for the Royal Navy.
There is an old story worth recalling in this connection. In the long
bygone days a certain hard-bitten old Jack did a particularly gallant act,
and the admiral under whom he was serving was so impressed that he asked
him to dine in his cabin. All went well until the dessert stage was reached.
Then Jack raised his finger bowl and lapped up its contents. Very tact-
fully the admiral's servant filled it again. Jack lapped up the second dose.
As the servant was once again pouring in water Jack, in a stage whisper,
said, "Put a drop o' rum in it this time, mate!" The moral is that the
lower deck does not want finger bowls. Does it want cups and saucers?
Is the additional luxury of being able to drink tea with the little finger poised
any real compensation for the blow to tradition ?
George Cupples, in The Green Hand, draws a great picture of the new
midshipman, on the first wet morning down-Channel, coming upon the
poop with an umbrella over his head, "and the hands forward all of a roar."
We do not suggest it is ever likely to come quite to this in the service, if
only that the service itself may be trusted to see that it shall not. Comfort
and cleanliness, by all means, but no grandmotherliness! Since the hon-
orable memberess for Plymouth has failed to abolish the rum ration, the
next best thing she can do is to suggest that it be served in wine glasses.
The Union Jack Club
The Army. Navy and Air Force Gazette, 9 May, 1925.—To those of us
who have been associated with the Union Jack Club from its early begin-
nings, the last annual general meeting presented an unfamiliar feature in
the absence of a former president, Sir Edward Ward. What the council
feels on this subject has been recorded in the report; what the club feels
has been eloquently expressed in the address which the elected members of
the general committee handed to Sir Edward Ward. Members will never
forget the thoroughness and the devotion which characterized his work for
the club.
The club is not a one-man show. It is, according to the figures of last
year, a 288,000 men's show, with a council of men of experience, ability,
and whole-hearted devotion to its interests. The Union Jack Club, as Sir
Walter Lawrence, its new president, remarked, is a wonderful and unique
institution, in that it runs without splash, advertisement and booming, yet
always moving with the times and keeping abreast of the requirements of
the services. Colonel Sir Henry Streatfeild, Sir George Majoribanks, and
Brigadier General Gascoigne and others have done much for this fine
service institution, which has now nearly 700 beds, looks after the leave
men, and has supplied as many as 2,000 meals in one day.
This club depends on two great points. One is finance, and on this
score the club is sound and self-supporting. The second point is the tone
of the club. When Sir Walter Lawrence was asked to draw up the rules
he borrowed from clubs in the West End the rules which now govern the
C'nion Jack Club and, looking back over the years that have passed, one
can say that the tone of the Union Jack Club is one of its greatest assets.
How tone comes is a mystery, but, when once it is established, it grows
strong. It is in the hands of the members, who are jealous guardians of
the honor of the club, which never closes, and is open day and night.
In the old days, when a leave man arrived at Waterloo he had nowhere
to go, and he fell a ready victim to those who made it a profitable business
to meet him when his purse was full. What a change the Union Jack Club
has worked. The trade of the harpies and the confidence men has become
flat, stale and unprofitable. The club has raised the self-respect of the man
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U. S. Naval Institute Proceedings
as well as catering for him, and it is a rare thing now to see drunkenness
in uniform, or to witness any man being escorted to a platform by singing
and tipsy undesirables. The clean, manly life in the services and the broader,
better lines of education have an abettor outside of barracks in the help-
ful facilities of the Waterloo Road Club, which has accomplished its
share in the general uplift and performed a truly national service. It en-
joys the fruit of its pioneering days in that it is now an established factor
in the life of the services—a club, a home, a restaurant, a resting place,
bank, safe deposit, and the mustering place for journeys to and fro.
Naval Engineering Training
The Naval and Military Record, 8 April, 1925.—The statement that the
Admiralty are inviting twenty-five candidates to sit for the next examination
of special entry cadets, to qualify as officers of the Engineer branch, lends
itself to some interesting reflections. In no branch of the Royal Navy has
the system of training undergone so many changes since the introduction of
the Selborne scheme twenty-three years ago. About the only thing that
can be said in favor of that scheme, as it originally applied to the engineers,
is that the principle of common entry was good. It did away with the long
standing friction on the subject of status, and with the distinction which had
come down from the days when the "ship's engineers” might, without un-
kindness, be described as more homely than polished. But, common entry
and common training are two very different things. A grounding in the
elements of practical marine engineering might well prove of value to an
executive officer. Time spent in learning seamanship and navigation is little
better than lost to the naval engineer.
It soon became apparent that where the Selborne scheme was presently
going to break was in its relation to the engineer branch. It came into
being almost with the advent of a new era of development in naval en-
gineering, due to the adoption of the turbine, oil fuel, the transition from
the Scotch boiler to the water tube type, the dawn of the internal com-
bustion problem, the expansion of electrical equipment, and the like. Of
course, the Selborne scheme provided for specialist training for the class
of lieutenants (E) which it proposed to create, but the approach to that
specialist training was much too long: too much time altogether was lavished
upon the "Jack of all Trades" business. Thoughtful men began to ask in
what way it was expected that the Selborne scheme was going to prove any
better-or, indeed, was going to prove half as good-as the old Keyham
régime which it superseded. They were told to wait and see, not to pull
up the young tree by the roots in order to find out how it was growing.
I do not propose to trace the history of the innumerable "niodifications"
which have been introduced into the Selborne-Cawdor methods of producing
a class of naval engineers since it first became clear that the young tree was
not growing at all well. This would take up too much space altogether,
however briefly it were done. It ought to be rather interesting, during a
big naval foregathering, for a party of engineer officers to get together and
compare notes as to just what particular phase of the evolution was cur-
rent when they were training.
The fact is the Admiralty had to realize that, under the Selborne scheme,
instead of overtaking the rapid development in the science of marine en-
gineering, which is the essential elementary condition of every sound
principle of training, the rapid development was outdistancing the tardy
progress of the Osborne entries. The navy was coming to rely more and
yet more upon the old Keyham class of engineers as it perceived the portents
of failure in the mode by which they were to be supplanted.
-
p. 1257 (#165) #
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Professional Notes
To say that we have completed the cycle which began at Christmas,
1902, and are now back to the old Keyham method of training may not be
strictly true, because things change materially in such a progressive science
as engineering, and had the old Keyham régime remained it would not have
been precisely the same today as it was twenty-three years ago. But, it is
true to this extent: the Selbourne scheme has been modified virtually out
of existence, and in principle, if not in actual practice, we are back to the
specific form of training of the old Royal Naval Engineering College days.
While I suppose we may admit the premise that an engineer can never
know too much about his job, I am not sure that the existent method of
specializing for the engineer branch does not ask rather too much. For this
reason, it probably is that the present-day Keyham system is not yielding a
sufficiency of officers, to meet the requirements of the fleet, so that the
Admiralty have to call for candidates for twenty-five direct entry cadet-
ships. Efficiency is a relative work. In the normal course we judge of it
by the standard of results. Thus we should say that the engineer officers
of the Mercantile Marine are a highly efficient body of men, since the liners
they run come and go with clockwork-like punctuality. Yet I doubt if
there is an engineer officer in the Mercantile Marine who could gain twenty
per cent of marks in the examination which a "dagger” lieutenant (E) has
to pass in order to attain to that symbol. The simple explanation is that
he does not want such obtuse theoretical knowledge. He is a thorough
master of the practical side of his business—and that is enough for him.
The super-specialist in the engine-room of a warship seems to me a sort
of Gulliver among his comrades. There is a great gulf of erudite superiority
between him and the other men who stand on the watch-keeping platform.
Yet does he get much opportunity for the exercise of that profound
theoretical knowledge which he has striven so laboriously to acquire? I
was once shipmate with one of the engineer officers who brought the Cal-
liope out of Apia harbor in the teeth of a violent hurricane, in which sev-
eral other warships failed to escape destruction. The exploit will be
recalled by the older generation of naval men. I asked him how the
Calliope alone managed to get clear, and I remember his answer: "We
knew just what had to be done, and we did it.” Which, to my mind, is the
most effective form of theory of all.
Let me not be misunderstood into implying any disparagement of super-
knowledge (or "dagger" knowledge, if you prefer it) nor of the men who
possess it, but I am venturing to wonder whether the system does not pass
the limits of utility. The vocational value of theory can only be gauged
in relation to its application to practice. I believe it is a fact that a large
number of very eligible aspirants are deterred from entering as engineer
cadets by the apprehension of what lies in front of them. Is it not the fact
that the question of maintaining the supply of engineer officers for the
Navy is causing some concern to the Admiralty ?
I believe direct entry to be the sound principle in the case of the execu-
tive branch, taking the term to imply the starting point of naval training
where ordinary education ceases, but it is by no means certain that the same
principle applies equally to the engineering branch. Mathematics, for in-
stance, which play such an essential part in all engineering, might be studied
rather more intensively than is usual in the course of a general education
by those who design to enter the navy as engineers. The direct entry
executive cadet is not expected to bring any initial professional qualifications
-he is merely the finished schoolboy-but the age of between seventeen-
and-a-half and eighteen is rather advanced for a youth to "take up” en-
gineering on the same principle. Therefore, the age limit might, with
advantage, be lowered in the case of candidates for the engineer branch,
although not to anything like the Dartmouth standard.
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Probably the present Keyham scheme has come to stay, but this is not
to say that it is necessarily at the end of the many modifications from
which it has been evolved. It has so entirely broken away from the Sel-
borne plan that even were the existing Dartmouth régime superseded by a
new order of things (and this is far from unlikely in the not distant future)
there is no reason why it should not continue, but in this event the direct
entry of officers for the engineer branch should cease. These various meth-
ods of attaining a single end savor too much of expedient or experiment.
When two or more systems have been thoroughly tested in practice, one
must have proved itself the best. Granted, it may not be easy to discrim-
inate definitely between methods possessing their own inherent advantages
and drawbacks. The Admiralty are clearly of opinion that the direct entry
candidate may make an efficient engineer on a very much shorter and
simpler course of training than the Dartmouth entry; otherwise, they would
not be announcing vacancies for twenty-five of them at the next examina-
tion. This being so, it is not unreasonable to raise the whole question as to
whether the present regular system of entry and training for the engineer
branch is really on the best possible lines ?
The answer is that it is producing a highly efficient class of engineer
officer. Well, so did the old Keyham régime, but in those days the doctrine
was to turn out a uniform standard of professional attainments. This was
known as the "Keyham standard," and was a splendid groundwork for the
exercise of those brains by which a man gets on in the navy as in every
other walk of life. There was no attempt at "super" grading: no ultra-
specializing; the accepted principle was a uniform high level of proficiency.
Since then there has developed a system of training to inequality. Is this
plan good for esprit de corps within the branch ?
It is a very big question, and one upon which the wise man would be
conjectural and inquiring rather than didactic. I hear a good deal of
criticism in the service itself upon the present method of training engineer
officers, but long experience has taught me that service criticism may not
always prove an infallible mentor. The present system may be the best
it is humanly possible to devise, but, if so, why supplement it by any other
form of entry and training ? The super-specialist may be an invaluable man
as squadron engineer officer, but there is this danger about it: his sub-
ordinates may shrink from appealing to him lest he shall reprove their
ignorance. That such a thing is extremely unlikely to happen is merely a
tribute to the spirit of the service. I do not say that "MacAndrew's
Hymn" embodies the rudiments of modern naval engineering, but the wet
shirt still keeps the ship going. I once made a passage in company with
a "dagger” lieutenant (E), who on one occasion confided to me that it was
really wasting his time to go on to the engine-room watch platform: the
artificers and the mechanicians among them knew their job perfectly, and he
felt he ought to be doing better things. He may have been joking, but I
confess that his remarks set me musing upon whether too much academic
training for a severely practical profession is altogether a wise principle.
FRANCE
French Destroyers and Light Cruisers
The Naval and Military Record, 6 May, 1925.--St. Nazaire, which has
the distinction of having in hand the largest number of torpedo craft of
the new program: viz., the 2,400-ton destroyers, Chacal, Leopard, Lynx,
and the 1,460-ton torpilleur d'escadre Simoun, is making an effort to com-
plete them at an early date. Commanders have been appointed to the new
destroyers, but the unit most advanced is the Simoun, that is having the
finishing touches to her internal and external equipments, and has on board
p. 1259 (#167) #
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Professional Notes
part of her crew. She is expected to leave St. Nazaire two months hence
ior Lorient, where she will commission for her trials, that will be watched
with attention by the naval world. The Simouns are remarkable units in
every respect, and, as eighteen of the class are in hand already, and eighteen
more projected, which means they will be an important asset of French sea
power, they are well worth close investigation with a view to elucidating
the question of their fighting worth. In the first place, they mark a depar-
ture from previous French shipbuilding practices, whereas pre-war contre-
torpilleurs of the Bouchier type (of which over twenty units were built)
were inferior in size and caliber of guns and torpedoes to contemporary
British, American, and Italian destroyers, the Simouns, officially described
as torpilleurs d'escadre (a very modest appellation), are superior in most
respects to all British destroyers in commission excepting Aotilla leaders.
In their general design they are copied from the British V and W classes
-similar shape of hull (though in the French the bows are more swanlike,
overhanging and pleasing to the eye, and the sterns also different) and
superstructures. In the Simouns, however, there are three funnels, rather
slender and of inordinate length, closely packed together, the two aft being
very near, which makes them a rather conspicuous target, and is a matter
of criticism among older officiers de vasseau, who question whether tor-
pilleurs so bulky and vulnerable will ever be able to launch their torpedoes
with chances of success. In truth, they are canonnieres rapides rather than
torpilleurs, as the gift of invisibility is totally denied to them. They will
be, in the light of the last conflict, excellent patrol boats for either screen-
ing a battle squadron or watching or blockading a hostile base, and, lastly,
they will be in a position to engage contemporary rivals with fair chances
owing to the superiority of caliber and range of their guns. Boats of such
seakeeping power and endurance French admirals would have welcomed
during the war, and Admirals Dartige du Fournet, Ronarch, for instance,
bitterly complained of the fragility and inferior armament of their contre-
tor pilleurs.
Similar reproaches nobody will think of applying to the Simouns. They
are larger than the British W's by nearly 150 tons, have 3,000 more horse-
power, and four 130 mil, versus four 120 mil. British guns, which means
longer range for the French, that have also the benefit of heavier and more
effective torpedoes. For ships of their class they have the maximum range
and hitting power, and, so far, are the best investment the Marine Francaise
has made in the torpedo boat line. Still, "the proof of the pudding is in
the eating," and the true value of these fine boats will depend on their
robustness and sea speed--two assets that are interdependent to a higher
degree than formerly owing to the tremendous strain on hulls with rates
of going exceeding 30 knots in choppy waters. The Simouns are expected
to develop from 35,000 to 40,000 h.p. on trial, and under favorable conditions
they ought to excel their nominal speed (33 knots) by 3 or 4 knots. Against
wind and seas their speed, of course, will be considerably reduced by their
great amount of top hamper, but even then the peculiar shape of their
sterns (that imitate those of big tugs) ought to be of good use to them.
It is felt that for 1,500-ton ships the 5.1-inch caliber of guns cannot safely
be exceeded; as the Italians have found out to their sorrow with the Aquila
class, that carry three 6-inch weapons, having insufficient command of fire
and being of little use in heavy weather. In the improved Simouns of
1,550 tons in hand, added robustness, speed, and fighting endurance have
been the improvements aimed at. The Simoun type, all points considered,
will be hard to beat by rival designers. The majority of our experts are
satisfied that it will prove a handy instrument of offensive in most circum-
stances of war, especially if its real speed can be increased as well as the
range of its torpedoes. Happily, war experience has taught French officers
p. 1260 (#168) #
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the importance of efficient torpedoes, and torpedo design, construction, and
training are receiving special attention, and schools, laboratories, experi-
mental testing grounds have been created. A similar system is next to be
applied to the mining branch. France is making an effort with a view to
regaining her former supremacy for underwater warfare.
The armament of the Chacal class of destroyers (of which six are com-
pleting afloat and three on the point of being laid down), that was originally
to include six 130-mil. guns (two on twin mountings), has not been ap-
proved by naval opinion. The 5.1-inch gun (27 kilo shell) has no very great
superiority over the 4.7-inch caliber (21 kilo projectile) in the matter of
range and destroying power, and, moreover, twin mountings for small
quickfirers are not to be commended, being especially make-believe in nar-
row and quick rolling boats. In the cramped and crowded deck space of
destroyers even of great length (120) meters in the Chacals, 125 in the
new boats), there is not sufficient room for six gun positions at least with
the present fashion of distributing the whole armament on the axial line. It
is for this reason that British flotilla leaders have only five gun positions.
Even in longer ships, such as the British Delhis, of 4,800 tons, it has not
been easy to find six gun positions, and space is rather limited for the central
6-inch weapons; hence the necessity, if armament is to be strengthened, of
increasing the caliber of weapons rather than their number. It has been
decided, en principe, to mount in the new super-destroyers either 5.5-inch
ordnance (39 kilo shells) or light 6.1-inch guns (50 kilo shell), both cali-
bers assuring advantage of range over all destroyers in existence, and in
reality transforming new contretorpilleurs into destroyers of destroyers
(which was the name the British First Lord, Winston Churchill, gave ten
years since to the British Arethusas). L'Architecture navale est un per-
petual recommencement. Comparative.
In the cruiser line, also, superiority over all comers is what Gallic ex-
perts are aiming at The 8,000-ton Duguay-Trouins, now commissioning
for trials, though valuable on account of their extreme speed (over 35
knots), are undergunned and vulnerable 175 meters long targets; the 10,000-
ton Tourville and Duquesne, that carry 8-inch guns, do not appear to be in
any way better than their British American, or Italian rivals of similar
Washington displacement. Foolish it would be for France to invest her
meager finances in a few copies of rivals four or five times more numerous.
Superior quality must make up for inferior numbers, as it did when great
savants like Dupuy de Lôme and de Bussy (1860-1896), were in charge of
French Navy construction. The Paris Yacht judiciously denounces the
extreme vulnerability to gun, torpedo, and bombs of those 10,000-ton Wash-
ington cruisers of enormous length totally or insufficiently armored, capable
of dealing heavy blows at long range but powerless to withstand the same.
Despite their great age, the 14,000-ton croiseurs-cuirassés of the Quinet
type preserve good value in the face of such opponents.
Battle Cruisers and Croiseurs de Combat
The Naval and Military Record, 20 May, 1925.-Far-reaching conse-
quences for both France and England may be expected from the long-
prepared attack the Boche and Bolshevist subsidized Riffans are so cleverly,
and with such astonishing means of action, leading against the well-trained
but numerically inadequate troops of Marshal Lyautey, the famed con-
queror of Morocco. It is nothing less than a revolt of the Moslem world
against European rule, an extension of the anti-English movement in Egypt
and in India, containing in germs equal perils for our two countries.
Smuggling of arms by sea is the disquieting point. The nominally Spanish
coast must be blockaded; a colonial alliance between Spain and France is
p. 1261 (#169) #
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Professional Notes
imperative, as well as a defensive entente between Great Britain and France
for their common safety.
Lieutenant Young's new volume translated into French: A bord des
Croisers de bataille (Librarie Payot, Paris) has attracted attention and
comments in naval circles; it gives a graphic insight into the life of those
great armored mastodons combining calibers and speed that played the de-
termining role in the naval war, a type of ship just now in favor in influential
navy quarters, and, besides, it enabled French naval students to understand
better the commanding personality of Admiral Beatty, the modern ex-
ponent of the Nelsonian doctrine which French experts are unanimous in
considering the true secret of victory. Joindre l'enemi et le battre avec des
forces superieures (Admiral Darrieus) has been the way of the best ad-
mirals of all times, and the greatest victories have been won through
"damning the risks," as Farragut so elegantly said. Trafalgar, Aboukir,
like Ostend and Zeebrugge, have only one explanation and justification :
namely, Audaces Fortuna juvat. In war extreme boldness is wisdom, and
this remains true notwithstanding mines and submarines. Admiral Beatty's
lack of an adequate flotilla force both in number and in size (which ac-
counted for the escape of the baby-killing Hipper squadron after the
Hartlepool and Scarborough bombardments) causes French readers to
appreciate the fighting worth of the fine new torpilleurs de'escadre of the
Simoun type (1,500 tons and 33 knots), of which twelve are practically
ready, and of the 2,400-ton Jaguar series of destroyers, of which six are also
to be commissioned at an early date. On the other hand, details which
M. Young gives in his book as to the several damaging interferences of the
London Admiralty with Admiral Beatty's freedom of action are held to
reflect unfavorably on the soundness of the present French naval organiza-
tion for war, in virtue of which all our squadrons and flotillas are to move
exclusively according to orders from Paris. In the last war Admiral de
Lapeyrére deliberately disregarded orders that Minister Augagneur, an ex-
ceedingly clever surgeon, but totally ignorant of ships, wired him to make
haste and with 20-knot battleships promptly catch the 28-knot Goeben and
Breslau.
The battle cruiser question is anew under investigation in Admiralty
quarters. To compete solely in 10,000-ton Washington limit cruisers would
be for France a losing game, since her present financial straits preclude the
possibility of her ever possessing numbers adequate to her needs. To make
up for inferior numbers French scientific genius must be allowed free scope
of action, as it was when Dupuy de Lôme threw all rivals into obsolescence
by creating the first steam battleship (Le Napoléon) and the first armored
frigate (La Gloire), and when de Bussy achieved similar success with his
epoch-making 6,300-ton Dupuy de Lôme, prototype of all croiseurs cuirasses.
Now, from a technical standpoint we have come back to a situation similar
to that of 1890. In those times there were only two great navies : namely,
the British and the French, and the British was building, wholesale, pro-
tected cruisers designed for broadside fighting. A victorious retort of de
Bussy was to encase completely the hull and armament of the Dupuy de
Lôme in light armor (110 mil.), then proof against 6-inch projectiles at
fighting range, and to distribute the eight single-gun turrets for end-on
tactics, that are, of course, the tactics of the weaker side. The Dupuy de
Lôme was a stroke of genius (in certain respects more original and more
creditable than the Dreadnought, that was mainly a miracle of size).
Retrospective and comparative investigation causes the Dupuy de Lôme de-
sign to be more admired now than she was at the time of her creation.
Thirty years ago British publicists were fond of expending ready wit on the
score of her ugliness (which was beauty when compared with today's
cruisers), but acknowledged her formidable strength.
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Therefore, the problem that the Section Technique is called upon to solve
consists in finding a modern counterpart to the Dupuy de Lôme capable of
throwing into relative obsolescence the two dozen unarmored 33-35-knot
croiseurs leger built or building. A result of that sort cannot be achieved
out of displacements inferior to 10,000 tons. Armored cruisers of under
10,000 tons, which would be enlarged copies of the excellent Latouche-
Treville (4,700 tons, complete armor with eight turrets, rather low free-
board, and reduced visibility), and in which extra protection would be
obtained at the expense both of the number of guns and of speed, would be
a doubtful investment, being powerless both to escape from the deadly grip
of 31-33-knot battle cruisers of the Hood and Renown and Tiger-Kongo
types and to catch 34-knot cruisers of the Kent-Trieste-Omaha classes.
Moreover, the new 8-inch weapons that will arm 10,000-ton Washington-
limit cruisers are vastly superior to the 20 and 21 centimeter guns employed
in the Great War, and it must not be thought that light armoring on pre-war
lines would do against them. Again, the advent of large sea-worthy de-
stroyers and of tempest-proof flying boats render close or even moderate
range unlikely in future contests. On this latter point, however, it is only
right to say that artificial cloud and camouflage tactics open new possi-
bilities and offer wide scope for surprises. Here, indeed, is the best argu-
ment for small tough armored cruisers of some 8,000 tons, 27 knots, and
six long-caliber 203 mil. guns.
A far better solution, however, is open the Section Technique as the
result of the right France has, under the Washington Agreement, to replace
the lost battleship France by 35,000 tons of capital ships. A 35,000-ton
counterpart to the British Nelson-Rodney type would only give emphemeral
worth to the obsolete Toulon battle squadron. Two 17,500-ton croiseurs de
combat of 35 knots, able in a seaway to catch up to 10,000-ton Washington
cruisers of however great paper speed and to crush them under the terrific
salvoes of eight weapons of 12-inch hore in quadruple turrets disposed for
end-on fire and for anti-chemical warfare, would for several years give to
France speed and caliber supremacy combined, especially as two more
croiseurs de combat of that class could be laid down in 1927. Long-range
salvo firing is considered by French specialists to be the key to the artillery
problem, and no longer mere caliber. To that end the quadruple turret is
to be revived, all the more so as recent experiments have shown it to offer,
at a minimum of cost, a maximum of offensive and defensive efficiency.
Of course, it would also be open to France to invest her 70,000 tons of
armored tonnage (1926-27) in six petits cuirassés de croi sière of 11,700
tons, 33 knots, four 9.4-inch long-caliber weapons, outranging the Wash-
ington type of cruisers and, at long range, being proof against 8-inch guns,
but it would be an inferior compromise and more costly in every way.
French Naval Policy
By Sir Herbert Russell, The Naval and Military Record, 20 May, 1925.-
The French Senate has sanctioned a “special credit” for new naval con-
struction during the course of the present financial year. It is a surprisingly
modest contribution, totalling only 33,000,000 francs, or little more than
one third of a million sterling. The program toward which it forms an
instalment comprises one light cruiser, three destroyers of the high sea, four
coastal torpedo boats, seven submarines, two submarine and one surface
minelayers, and one aircraft carrier. Naval construction is, relatively, con-
siderably more costly in France than in this country, and so it is abundantly
clear that very little progress will be made with these proposed vessels dur-
ing the current year.
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Professional Notes
No doubt there is a political reason at the back of this apparent modesty.
France is courting the financial good will of the United States. Apart from
the fact that President Coolidge is reported to be steadily working to bring
about another Washington Conference, if France were to undertake any
heavy naval expenditure at the present juncture she would be manifestly
weakening her plea of inability to pay her debts, and the necessity to in-
crease them.
The naval policy of France must always hold a very direct interest for
this country. True, it is an interest of quite a different character from
that which had existed as an immemorial tradition down to the era of the
entente cordiale. No longer is it the interest of rivalry, but of friendly con-
cern as to how far our next door neighbor is maintaining her place in the
balance of armed sea strength. That such a situation as arose in August,
1914, when the British fleet alone stood between the German Navy and the
French coast, is likely to recur in our time is inconceivable. But some day,
and well in our time, the German Navy will begin to expand again, and it
is eminently desirable that from the very day this process starts France
should not only be a long lap ahead, but in a position to remain so.
The new French program, in a very limited way, follows the doctrines of
the Jeune Ecole—the “Mosquito School," as it has been termed in this
country. It is purely a defensive program. Even as such, it is so inade-
quate, bearing in mind what very trifling progress can possibly be made with
it during the present year, that we must look beyond it and try and form
conclusions as to the French view of sea power. It is true that at the .
present time France has a larger number of submarines, built or projected,
than any other naval power, but she appears to be following very much the
principle that was illustrated in the case of our own Frobisher and Effing-
ham, so that this big underwater armada, categorically shown in the official
returns, is likely to remain only a paper force for some years to come. This
again is probably the result of financial stringency.
What I regard as probable is that France has arrived at a stage of com-
plete dubiety as to the future of naval warfare, and is marking time until
that future begins to unfold. Whether this is a wise policy I am not pre-
pared to say, but it is quite possible that it may react upon other naval
powers.
In the first place it seems tolerably clear that France has renounced the
capital ship. There is a small and influential body of French opinion which
is urging a return to battleship construction, but it is little more than a
voice in the wilderness. The Republic will continue to maintain such battle-
ships as remain to her so long as they are seaworthy (none of them can be
deemed war-worthy now by existing standards), but that she will replace
them as they fall into obsolescence is more than doubtful. Is she not setting
an example in this which may presently bear definite fruit with the other
great sea' powers? Italy has frankly abandoned the battleship, probably
for very much the same reasons which have induced France to do so.
Russia is negligible in this consideration. Germany must remain prob-
lematical for years to come, but I anticipate that the conclusions which in-
fluence the other great sea powers will be precisely the conclusions to which
Germany would come.
In the case of the Big Three, we have come to a hiatus which may yet
prove a definite break. Great Britain is building two battleships: when
they are completed neither she, nor the United States, nor Japan can lay
down any more capital ships for another seven years under the Washington
Treaty, except for the purposes of replacement, under very rigid conditions.
In other words, the Big Three cannot increase their capital ship strength
during the next seven years. When the Neilson and Rodney are ready to
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[July
U. S. Naval Institute Proceedings
take their place in the British fleet, four ships of the Iron Duke class have
to be removed from the Navy List.
We have already reached a stage when the value of the capital ship is a
subject of much uncertainty. During the next seven years that phase of
uncertainty may crystallize into definite conclusions. I believe it is true to
say that Great Britain, the United States and Japan are now maintaining
capital ships more from rivalry than from any policy of absolute conviction.
One cannot renounce them unless the others do, and for one to suggest it
may give rise to a mistaken impression.
The alleged view of the late Sir Percy Scott's midshipman, that the
battleship is "no damned good” is, of course, ridiculous, but the whole
tendency of sea warfare is to become more mobile and more elusive. The
stately old fleet action grows steadily more improbable as a decisive feature
of the future naval conflict, if only because of the ever-increasing difficulty
of forcing a reluctant enemy to come forth and accept battle. Meanwhile,
we find the naval ratios changing while the capital ship position remains
static. Captain Knox, of the United States Navy, has pointed out that the
real purpose of the Washington Agreement is becoming entirely neutralized.
Sea power has now to be measured in a new rule of values.
If a new Washington Conference is convened within the next seven
years, and the United States boldly proposes that the capital ship be aban-
doned, it seems more than likely that France and Italy would readily concur.
The attitude of Japan is problematical. The course of events does not sug-
gest that she is likely to receive with enthusiasm any proposals which
emanate from the United States. On the other hand, if America abandoned
the battleship Japan could certainly afford to do so. Her rôle in the Pacific
is likely to be a defensive one. That is to say, in any war into which she
might be drawn, her policy would be to await attack, in the zone of her own
choice, and as remote from all enemy bases as possible. To such a stra-
tegic purpose her present program of "numbers and mobility” is well suited.
Our own position in the matter, I imagine, will be that of a disposition to
agreement. In other words, I can hardly believe that Great Britain would
stand out for the retention of the capital ship if all the other principal naval
powers concurred in the proposal to abandon her. Naturally, there will be
an instinctive recoil from the idea of breaking with such a great tradition,
but no confusion of sentiment must be permitted to obscure the strictly
practical question. The enforced inactivity of the battle fleets during the
Great War was an object lesson which challenges serious reflection. “Silent
pressure" was all very well in the days when it kept the enemy fleet shut
up in his ports, but the submarine, the destroyer, and the fast cruiser have
changed all that. Sea war tends to become more of a guerilla business,
mainly directed against commerce. The grand fleet was impotent to arrest
the German ( boat campaign, which came dangerously near to accomplish-
ing its purpose. France, I believe, clearly realizes the purport of that les-
son, and this is why her naval policy—or more strictly speaking, her naval
building programs—must have a particular interest for other sea powers.
French Foreign Trade
The Engineer, 24 April, 1925.— The returns of foreign trade during the
first three months of the year show a declension in the values of imports
and exports as compared with the figures for the corresponding period of
1924. On analyzing the returns, however, it is seen that they are far more
favorable than could have been anticipated in view of the heavy duties im-
posed upon French goods imported into Germany since the beginning of the
year. If Germany is taking less it is evident that more is being sent to
other markets. So far as imports are concerned the total value of 9,825